TITLES OF OUR CLERGY | WARLOCKS AND WITCHES
In the spiritual tradition of Druwayu, Warlock and Witch are titles for male and female clergy, respectively, Warlock as a male elder, and Witch as a female Elder, who share identical duties. These titles reflect two distinct designations for the same roles, emphasizing equality in their shared responsibilities to Druans and the communities the reside in at large. The following outlines the shared duties of Warlocks and Witches as clergy in Druwayu, focusing on their specific roles within the community. Their titles reflect gender-specific designations for identical roles, emphasizing equality and unity in spiritual leadership.
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This discussion highlights that overgeneralizations breed misinformation, leading to flawed conclusions.
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By emphasizing similarities and ignoring differences, narratives about warlocks, witches, heresy hunts and "witchcraft trials" distort historical truths, resulting in mutual misrepresentations that obscure the complex realities of the past.
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This includes the erroneously applied "academic" tendency to define other cultural or spiritual leadership titles and concepts and then just "glossing" over them as warlocks and witches because of the lack of respect or proper insight into such titles as these.
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Overgeneralization disregards such things as little more than shoddy, lazy and lackadaisical scholarship at best.
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As such, for sake of clarification, the following addresses several of these issues and is extensive.
Warlocks and Witches in Druwayu serve as spiritual leaders with the same duties, performing the following roles:
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Leading Rituals: Both Warlocks and Witches conduct ceremonies, such as seasonal celebrations, lunar rites, or life milestones, to honor natural cycles and strengthen community bonds.
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Teaching Knowledge: They share spiritual teachings through stories, guidance, and instruction, preserving Druwayu’s traditions and fostering understanding among community members.
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Protecting Sacred Spaces: Warlocks and Witches maintain and bless sacred sites, ensuring these spaces remain conducive to spiritual practices and community gatherings.
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Promoting Harmony: They facilitate healing practices and rituals to sustain spiritual and communal balance, addressing conflicts and nurturing unity.
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Supporting Community: Both provide guidance for individuals, organize collective efforts, and promote ecological care, contributing to the community’s resilience and well-being.
Equality in Roles
The titles Warlock and Witch denote the same clergy role, with no distinction in duties or authority. A Warlock and a Witch may lead the same ritual, teach the same wisdom, or protect the same sacred space, differing only in title based on gender. This equality reflects Druwayu’s commitment to balanced leadership, where both contribute identically to spiritual and communal life.
General Historical Context
Warlocks and Witches have often been presented as possessing strong intuitive and innate spiritual abilities, which they harness for various purposes, though primarily, as with any elders of such roles in any culture, their service was to the people rather than their people serving them. This often involves personal development and challenges, as they navigate their spirituality journey and seek to better understand their natural abilities for the benefit of others. However, the dealing with spiritual entities bit has been exaggerated and overemphasized well beyond modern assumptions and stereotypical rhetoric.
Scholarly Expectations of Druwayu Clergy
Warlocks and Witches, as Druwayu clergy, are expected to meet rigorous scholarly standards to fulfill their roles effectively. These expectations ensure they are equipped to lead, teach, and preserve the tradition’s integrity:
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Deep Knowledge of Druwayu Tradition: Clergy must have a comprehensive understanding of Druwayu’s spiritual framework, including its cosmology, such as the Cosmic Tree, and core concepts like Wihas (life essence), Wyrda (reciprocal dynamics), and Worloga (eternal patterns). They are expected to study sacred texts, oral traditions, and rituals to accurately convey teachings.
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Ritual Proficiency: This requires training in ritual structure, timing, and adaptation to community needs, ensuring ceremonies are meaningful and effective and not pointless gestures or expressions with no intrinsic meaning behind them. In other words, they must learn the emotional and psychological importance of ceremony and also be mindful when some practices are best left to the past and justifiably abandoned for their uselessness or needless brutality.
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Ethical and Ecological Stewardship: Clergy are expected to uphold ethical conduct, promoting harmony and sustainability. They must demonstrate knowledge of ecological principles, advocating for environmental care through rituals and community initiatives, aligning with Druwayu’s emphasis on interconnectedness.
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Communication and Teaching Skills: As educators, they need strong communication skills to share wisdom clearly through storytelling, lectures, or written works. They must adapt teachings to diverse audiences, ensuring accessibility while maintaining depth, and foster dialogue to strengthen community understanding.
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Conflict Resolution and Healing Expertise: Clergy must be skilled in mediation and emotional and mental healing practices, using rituals or counseling to resolve disputes and restore balance. This requires training in emotional intelligence, active listening, and traditional healing methods, such as herbal knowledge or energy work, if applicable. Their roles do not include medical.
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Continuous Learning and Reflection: Warlocks and Witches are expected to engage in ongoing study and self-reflection, deepening their spiritual and intellectual understanding. This includes staying informed about relevant cultural, ecological, and philosophical developments to keep Druwayu relevant in modern contexts.
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Community Leadership and Organization: They must possess organizational skills to coordinate community events, manage resources, and guide collective efforts. This includes mentoring individuals, fostering inclusivity, and ensuring rituals and teachings meet the community’s evolving needs.
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Knowledge of Other Common Religious Traditions: Clergy must have a working understanding of other major religious traditions, such as Christianity, Islam, Hinduism, Buddhism, and Indigenous practices. This is not about universal absorption or adoption. It is about mutual respect when its warranted and not blind tolerance out of expectation. This is crucial for several reasons:
Statement on Warlocks, Witches, and Gender Equality in Druwayu
The First Church of Druwayu (FCD) upholds a well-organized clergy system designed to foster community engagement and further its spiritual mission within Druish culture. The following section outlines the current hierarchy. It should also be made clear when we refer to gender equality we do not mean gender bending or blurring as many presume, assume or seek to impose illogically and irrationally.
Current Clergy and Community Structure
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First Class High Elder Warlock/Witch (1):
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Serves as the ultimate authority within the FCD, providing spiritual and administrative leadership.
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Casts the deciding vote in cases of deadlocked decisions (e.g., 50/50 splits) within the Drusidu, the primary governing council.
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Second Class Elder Warlocks/Witches (2):
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Act as head administrators, each overseeing one of three Drusidu branches.
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Supervise High Elder Warlocks/Witches to ensure alignment with the FCD’s mission and values.
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Support branch activities and oversee affiliated clubs while ensuring local adherence to Druish principles and FCD policies.
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Third Rank Warlocks/Witches (3):
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Recognized with “Hallowed” status by the Drusidu, reflecting Druish terminology instead of traditional ordination.
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Serve as independent clergy offering spiritual guidance to members and non-members.
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Operate within communities, supporting Druish practices without managing branches.
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May lead local branches or clubs if selected by Druans, with notification required for such changes.
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Implement the Bylaws of the FCD at the local level.
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Druans/General Membership:
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Druans: Active members engaged in the teachings and practices of Druwayu.
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Kinfolk: Passive or inactive members who identify with the concepts of Druwayu but do not actively participate.
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Key Notes
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The Drusidu, composed of the First Class High Elder, Second Class High Elders, and High Elder Warlocks/Witches, remains the FCD’s primary governing council, distinct from any local branch councils.
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All clergy (Warlocks and Witches) are formally recognized by the Drusidu with “Hallowed” status, reflecting Druish cultural terminology.
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The FCD is committed to inclusivity, rejecting exclusion based on race, gender, or sexual orientation. Clergy are expected to uphold and embody this principle.
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Local branches and clubs are fully responsible for legal compliance, with the FCD exempt from any liability in these matters.
Hallowing vs. Ordination
In context, they are the same. In meaning, they are not. In the tradition of the First Church of Druwayu (FCD), ordination is referred to as Hallowing—a transformative process of becoming whole and holy. Through this sacred rite, the FCD empowers qualified individuals to embrace a wide range of ministerial responsibilities and serve the spiritual needs of the community.
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Candidates seeking this honor must exhibit a profound connection to the Druish community and possess a passionate, in-depth understanding of the beliefs, values, and mission that define the First Church of Druwayu.
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The Hallowing program is meticulously designed to ensure that candidates consistently demonstrate knowledge of Druwayu’s history, beliefs, and organizational structure, while fostering an active and positive presence within the community.
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Registration is open to all who feel inspired to undertake this significant journey.
Aspiring Warlocks and Witches are encouraged to actively engage with various groups within the First Church of Druwayu. For those interested in pursuing Hallowing, the first step involves becoming an active member and fully immersing oneself in the life of the community.
Basic Needs
✓ Be 18 years of age or older.
✓ Submit a current ID or driver’s license.
✓ Consent to a criminal background check.
✓ Must agree to our terms, policies and bylaws.
Basic Candidate Requirements
✓ Must be an active member of the FCD.
✓ Must demonstrate concise knowledge.
✓ Must understand the concepts.
✓ Must be willing to be questioned and tested.
✓ Must take the role seriously.
✓ Must provide an essay of 2500–6000 words.
✓ Must cite research sources for your essay.
✓ May use AI to format it but not write it all.
✓ Must demonstrate real compassion for others.
✓ Must willing to help those you don't like.
✓ Must uphold our tenets and teachings.
✓ Must respect superiors and subordinates.
Successful Completion
✓ A letter of recognition with their official title.
✓ A letter confirming good standing.
✓ Title added to online membership profile.
✓ Authorization to organize community event.
✓ Authorization to host online discussions.
✓ Authorization to join in online clergy meetings.
✓ Granted all privileges accorded to clergy.
✓ Granted access to the Drusidu.
Key Responsibilities
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Legal and Ethical Compliance: Clergy are responsible for ensuring adherence to state, federal, and international laws. This intricate duty often inspires members to pursue legal education alongside their Hallowing, enabling them to better serve the Druish community and uphold its values.
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Guidance and Rulings: Clergy provide counsel and make decisions on religious and ethical matters when approached by Druans or the broader Druish community. This requires continuous learning and the development of expertise to address complex and evolving issues.
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Lifelong Commitment: Every Warlock and Witch, regardless of their rank, undertakes a lifelong journey of rigorous research and unwavering dedication. They strive to honor tradition while meeting the unique and changing needs of their local communities.
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Service to All: Clergy extend their guidance on spiritual and academic matters to non-Druans as well. They also officiate significant lifecycle events—such as dedications, weddings, and funerals—offering support and care to the entire community.
Historical Context and Etymology of Warlocks and Witches
Before the 1950s, particularly among those familiar with occult traditions, it was widely understood that warlocks are the male counterparts to witches, just as witches are the female counterparts to warlocks. This understanding reflects their shared linguistic and cultural origins. As shown most clearly, both titles trace their roots to Old Saxon languages, with documented use dating back to the 800s CE (9th century, from known document sources). Notably, the etymological root of "warlock" predates that of "witch." Several key aspects clarify their intertwined history:
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Shared Origins: Warlocks and witches do not arise from distinct linguistic or cultural traditions.
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Association with the "Dark Arts": Both have historically been linked to practices deemed natural or unnatural, and to entities described as dark, harmful, or neutral. We generally reject such things as little more than fear peddling delusions of the past.
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Varied Depictions: Depending on the context, warlocks and witches have been portrayed as helpful, harmful, or ambivalent figures.
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Motivations: Both have been characterized as wielding their knowledge and abilities for personal gain, acts of vengeance, or communal purposes.
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Terminology: The crafts they practice share fundamental similarities, differentiated only by terms like warlockcraft or witchcraft. Historical accounts also describe their influence using terms such as warlocked or bewitched. We find the terms Warlockry and Witchery as more basic and less cumbersome terms for the specific jobs of our clergy without drawing from the "occult" associations that often are nonsensical and gender biased.
Throughout history, both titles have been subjected to persecution and discrimination, often as symbols of spiritualities at odds with dominant powers. Many were falsely accused, fined, imprisoned, or even executed due to misconceptions or misuse of their titles, often by individuals with no understanding of the traditions.
In modern times, misinformation about warlocks and witches persists, perpetuated by biases and unsubstantiated claims, frequently lacking credible evidence. For the clergy of the First Church of Druwayu, recognizing and correcting these distortions is a vital responsibility. As stewards of this history, we uphold factual etymology and historical accuracy over popular fallacies or misguided reinterpretations of these titles. Disregard for truth perpetuates ignorance and arrogance—qualities we neither endorse nor tolerate as we strive to separate culture from occultism. Let this serve as a reminder to remain vigilant against distortion and committed to intellectual and cultural honesty.
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Interfaith Engagement: Understanding other traditions enables Warlocks and Witches to engage respectfully with diverse communities, fostering dialogue and cooperation in multicultural settings.
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Contextual Teaching: It allows clergy to explain Druwayu’s principles in relation to other belief systems, making teachings more accessible to newcomers or those from different backgrounds.
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Cultural Sensitivity: Knowledge of other traditions ensures clergy avoid misunderstandings or conflicts, promoting harmony in shared spaces, such as interfaith events or community initiatives.
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Enriched Perspective: Familiarity with other spiritual practices deepens clergy’s understanding of universal themes, such as interconnectedness or renewal, enhancing their ability to articulate Druwayu’s unique perspective while appreciating commonalities.
Warlocks and Witches, the male and female clergy, serve as both custodians and central authorities within the Drusidu, the governing council of the religion. These titles designate individuals who share identical duties, ensuring the preservation of Druish teachings and practices while providing authoritative leadership. As custodians, they safeguard the tradition’s integrity, and as central authorities in the Drusidu, they guide the community with wisdom and unity. This essay outlines the combined roles of custodianship and central authority fulfilled by Warlocks and Witches, detailing their specific duties and the scholarly expectations that qualify them for these responsibilities.
Custodianship and Central Authority in the Druish Religion
Warlocks and Witches are entrusted with custodianship, the sacred duty of preserving Druish teachings, rituals, and community practices, ensuring the tradition remains a living expression of its core principles. As central authorities within the Drusidu, they form the primary decision-making body, responsible for interpreting doctrines, setting ritual guidelines, resolving disputes, and aligning the community with its spiritual and ecological values. Their dual roles ensure the Drusidu maintains the tradition’s integrity while adapting to contemporary needs, fostering harmony and continuity.
The Need for Warlocks and Witches as Central Authorities
Warlocks and Witches are essential as central authorities in the Drusidu to:
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Ensure Doctrinal Integrity: Their knowledge ensures the council upholds Druish teachings accurately.
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Promote Unity: Their equal roles promote balanced leadership, preventing division.
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Maintain Trust: As respected clergy, they inspire confidence in the council’s decisions.
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Enable Adaptation: Their scholarship ensures the council addresses contemporary issues effectively.
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Resolve Conflicts: Their mediation skills maintain communal harmony.
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Uphold Ecological and Economic Values: Their stewardship aligns the council with Druish principles.
Warlocks and Witches, as Druish clergy, serve as both custodians and central authorities, preserving the tradition’s teachings and leading the Drusidu with equal responsibility. Their duties include maintaining sacred spaces, promoting harmony, and guiding the community, while their scholarly expectations ensure they are equipped to uphold Druish integrity and relevance. As central authorities, they are vital for doctrinal accuracy, unity, and adaptation, ensuring the Drusidu guides the community with wisdom and harmony. These are not haphazardly applied contexts. The derive largely from cited sources when investigating the etymology of both titles and recognizing such roles in many modern expressions of cultural and spiritual leadership observed everywhere. As such, let us now explore the etymology which is part of the scholarly aspect of this tradition.
1. Etymology of Titles
Druwayu defines Warlock and Witch based on actual investigated etymology, not later hearsay, as any worthy scholarly investigation and academic research should, wherein the usage in Druwayu is grounded in their original meanings and stripped of later nonsensical mystical associations. Within our tradition both are equal yet gender specific titles (Warlock = Male, and Witch = Female).
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Interpreters of Traditional Law/Customs: All historical associations seem to point to their primary functions of applying the traditions and laws of the people to everyday life, while also striving to ensure that the core teachings remained relevant beyond just the ritual observations, while also allowing members of clans and communities to debate and vote on perceived important issues.
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Advocates of Oral Tradition: From that can be extracted from several sources, there is a strong sense of careful memorization oral laws, which they preserved and passed down, often through symbols understood by those taught in the context of them and memorization aids (also observed in many ancient cultures). Many indications point to a spirituality deeply connected to natural cycles, and often associated with sacred groves, burial mounds and seasonal festivals.
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Influential Teachers: Along with maintaining and promoting beliefs such as the afterlife and the interconnection of the spiritual and physical, some examples make clear they also advised rulers and played a role in governance, sometimes acting as mediators in disputes. This would naturally move towards having the authority to elect or dismiss rulers to keep them accountable to their people.
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Military and Legal Authority: Their assembly could approve or reject military campaigns and had influence over legal and matters of communal decision-making because of the responsibility for religious customs, laws, and education.
In this sense, there is no doubt their roles were naturally shaped by their societies as they developed for untold and antiquities through education, tradition, training and governance, but their philosophies and religious frameworks were vastly different from what has often been claimed. Because the titles are themselves both of Saxon origins, it is reasonable to conclude that overall form of governance was similar to the Anglo Saxon Witangemot (Witness Meeting), Norse/Icelandic Althingi and Swiss Landsgemeinde.
1.1 Warlock: Lawman (m)
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Etymology: From the plural "Warlogan" (war-loh-an). Found in the Heliand, c. 830 CE; and as wærlogan in Andreas, c. 9th–10th century, meaning “lawmen” (wær, “man” + logan, “laws”), pronounced /wɛːrlóʊn/. Not “oathbreaker.”
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Historical Context: Referred to legal authorities, such as Pharisees in the Heliand, later misread as “traitors” due to Christian bias and antisemitic conflations. Factually and conceptually, they were commitment to both the written and oral traditions/customs.
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Misconceptions: Claims of “coven betrayer” (post-1950s) are baseless. The false etymology to try and impose "oath breaker" is easily dismantled. Oath comes from āþ or āð. Obviously its not connected with wær, “man.” Breaker comes from brecan "to break, shatter." The confusion with logan with lie in the misrepresentation of "deception" is a misnomer of "legh" (lay) such as "situated, reclined, or lie down" and alternatively such as lies ahead indicating direction. In other words, its an invention of intentional misrepresentation. Others have also tried to impose words meaning outlaw, though that comes from Utlogr, but shows log/logr as it also occurs in Byrlog "town law" and source of modern Bylaw hold more proofs the word log and its plural logan means law and laws. Connections with vardlokkr is another false assumption because, though the word lokkr is the same as lock, the first pard vard is not a reduction as vardlok but rather as ward which is the same as guard from such as ge-uard as in to protect and used figuratively for a "guardian spirit or ancestor" though not literally so. Some have also tried to link words like werewolf to warlock which is obvious nonsense since wulf/ulf are not related to log/lag/loh/lah/law, and even then werewolf didn't actually mean a monster as has also come to be a modern fictional misrepresentation as well. For example:
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Earliest Attested Use: The word werewulf appears in the works of Wulfstan II, Archbishop of York (d. 1023), particularly in his Sermo Lupi ad Anglos ("Sermon of the Wolf to the English"), dated around 1014 CE. In this sermon, Wulfstan uses wodfreca werewulf to describe a "ravenous werewolf," referring metaphorically to a person who preys on others, possibly in a spiritual or moral sense [Bosworth-Toller Anglo-Saxon Dictionary; Swanton, Anglo-Saxon Prose].
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Context: In Wulfstan’s sermon, werewulf is not a literal monster but a metaphor for destructive or predatory behavior, reflecting Anglo-Saxon concerns about societal decay. The term appears in a homiletic context, not a legal code or narrative tale.
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Etymology:
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Wer: Old English for "man" (from Proto-Germanic weraz, "man, male") [Etymonline; Bosworth-Toller].
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Wulf: Old English for "wolf" (from Proto-Germanic wulfaz) [Etymonline].
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Combined, werewulf literally means "man-wolf," implying a human with wolf-like traits or behavior. Therefore the only part in common is wer, plural wera as alternatives of war and wær.
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Actual Spelling Variations: Warlowe, warlou, werlou, werlawe, warlouʒ, warloghe, warlau, warlawe, warlagh(e), werlau(ghe), warlach, warlag, warloc, warlok, warlage, warthel-, werlok, wirlok, warlaʒes, worlais, warlais, and werlahen.
1.2 Witch: Oracle (f)
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Etymology: From Old English wicce/wicca, /wēCHeh/, /wēCHuh/ (both feminine, Dōmbōc, 893 CE), meaning “female oracle” who speaks or divines, from Latin vica (singular) vicae (plural) which is pronounced veech-a as in the plural veech-ae (“voice/speak/call”) via Slavic veche, pronounced /vēCHe/. Plural: wiccan, /wēCHen/, used as a translation of oraculum, as oracul "speak," and source of oracle.
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Historical Context: Wicce were counselors, not evil sorceresses; Christian texts (e.g., Ælfric’s Homilies, late 10th century) introduced bias, misrepresenting them as “fouled.” The same is found in Saxo Grammaticus’s Wecha (13th century) in Danish is Væcha, spelled later in Slavic as Slavic vecha (speaks); cite example Wicca would be pronounced Wecha (“female word for oracle”). Often confused with Wice/Wica (Weeks, base meaning of movement).
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Misconceptions: Claims of wicca as masculine are false and largely used in error as a result of bad translation or transliteration; wicce/wicca are both feminine often erroneously applied with little to no concern for the meaning or context and applying a false one. Consider the rejected claim it means wicked, c. 1200, wikked, "as evil, perverse and twisted," and claimed to be akin to the word "vice" which has more of a sense of "secondary" and from a base meaning of "in place of" in the sense of "exchange" or acting in place of another implying a subservient role, but also was applied in the sense of "bad, false, corrupt" (12c.), and claimed to then be an an adjectival of Old English wicca as in wikk, source of the word weak from c. 1300 weik and and Norse veikr "lacking strength," akin to Old English wac "weak, pliant, soft," which is also applied in a sense of "unstable/unreliable." Clearly wac and wikk from the same language are not the same words. So if this is all untrue then so is the oat breaker claim for Warlock, and I have already demonstrated in both cases, the claimed etymologies are false. Wac is actually a form of "wake." Others have tied to claim wish (wysc), or watch (wacce), an wash (wæsc), which are obviously not related words though similar only in appearance.
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Actual Spelling Variations: Veche, vicce, veech, vecha, viche, vetch, wech, wecha, wichta, wicht, wicche-, wichua, wichche-, wichen, wichen(e), wuche-, wuches, whicche-, whicces-, wheche-, whuche, and whiche.
It must be noted that in many Old English manuscripts, as well as others, sometimes show scribal variations due to dialect or orthography, as well as errors in spelling and application, soften when the meaning of words were not known to specific authors. Additionally, if those who proclaim Witch as a title has been misrepresented and "redeemed" allegedly, then the failure to "redeem" Warlock as well from the clear and demonstrable fallacies of false and invented etymologies is very much based in misandrist feminist sexism and biases.
Reliable Citations:
There are no definitive texts before the 800s CE explicitly use warlogan (warlocks) or wiccan (witches) in surviving Germanic languages, as these terms emerge in later Christianized Old English and Old Saxon texts post-800 CE. I have searched and found no such sources though some claim there are, yet fail to produce such evidence. The earliest attested uses are the Heliand (c. 830 CE), Line 4049, as a masculine plural warlogan [Murphy, Heliand] and Alfred’s Domboc as a feminine plural wiccan (c. 893 CE) [Liebermann, Gesetze der Angelsachsen]. I have searched for such very carefully.
Roots of Warlock:
Heliand (Line 4049, circa 830 CE)
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Terms: warlogan (masculine plural)
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Original Text: that he thar warlogan wîet scolda
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Structured Translation: "That he there lawmen know should."
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Proper Translation: "That he there should understand the lawmen."
Andreas (Line 1339, circa 880 CE)
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Terms: wærlogan (masculine plural)
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Original Text: þæt he wærlogan wite scolde
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Structured Translation: "That he lawmen know should."
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Proper Translation: "That he should understand the lawmen."
Domboc by King Alfred/Ælfred (893 CE)
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Terms: wærlogan (masculine plural)
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Original Text: And gif wærlogan oþþe swīcend sculan beon, þæt hī sculan beon getīefde.
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Structured Translation: "And if lawmen oth-the deceiver shall be, then he shall be restrained."
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Proper Translation: "And if lawmen or deceivers must exist, then they must be restrained."
Homilies of Ælfric (circa 990 CE)
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Terms: wærlogan (masculine plural)
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Original Text: Ne sculan we to wærlogan sculan weorþian.
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Structured Translation: "Nor shall we to lawmen shall honor."
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Proper Translation: "Nor shall we, the lawmen, shall honor."
Beowulf (circa 975 CE)
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Terms: wærlog (masculine singular)
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Original Text: Næs þæt wærlōg sculan swīcend scite.
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Structured Translation: "Not that lawman shall deceived shit."
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Proper Translation: "That lawman must not be a deceiver of shit."
Saxo Grammaticus’ Works (circa 1200 CE)
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Terms: wærlogan (masculine plural)
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Original Text: Quod wærlogan in lege falsa testantur.
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Structured Translation: "Quote lawmen in laws false testify."
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Proper Translation: "Because lawmen testify in false laws."
Roots of Witch:
Ælfric’s Homilies (Supplementary Collection, circa 995 CE)
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Terms: wiccan (feminine plural)
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Original Text: ne sculan we to wiccan sculan weorþian
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Structured Translation: "No shall we to witches shall worthy."
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Proper Translation: "Nor shall we honor witches."
Halitgar’s Penitential (Old English Translation, circa 1000 CE)
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Terms: wiccan (feminine plural)
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Original Text: swa wiccan tæcaþ
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Structured Translation: "As witches teach."
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Proper Translation: "As witches teach."
Old English Biblical Exhortations (circa 1000 CE)
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Terms: wiccan (feminine plural)
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Original Text: Ða fæmnan þe gewuniað onfon gealdorcræftigan & scinlæcan & wiccan, ne læt þu ða libban.
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Structured Translation: "The women who receive golden-crafts, skin-plays, and witches, not let thou them live."
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Proper Translation: "The women accustomed to gold payments, nude-dancing, and oracles—do not let them live."
On this last one with the correct translations and comparisons, this would seem to be a condemnation of women who are more along the lines of prostitutes. Gealdorcræftigan is falsely translated into all sorts of nonsense things failing to realize geald is the source of geld/gild/guild and gold indicating a sense of payment or tribute combined with cræftigan which is an old plural of the word craft as in a skill/ability/or expertise. Combined it references golden objects like coins or bits of gold metal used as payment methods. Scin is well known to be the shared source of skin and shine, and in this case means nudity. Læcan means to play ad related to the sense of leaping and sudden movement, and figuratively for lively movement that resembles dance. We would more or less link this to the concepts of belly dancers and strippers in a more modern sense but would have also involved prostitution. The references to witches as oracles would also indicate more of such women seeking council from such witches rather than being witches themselves. When you know the actual meaning and context of such things as this a different and much more specific rather than vague narative unfolds.
Lacnunga (circa 1000 CE)
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Terms: wicce (feminine singular)
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Original Text: Þæt wicce wyrce þis laececræft.
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Structured Translation: "That witch works this leech-craft."
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Proper Translation: "That witch works this leech-craft."
1.3 Compatibility with concepts of Druwayu
Dryden’s Era and Works: John Dryden (1631–1700) was an influential English poet, literary critic, translator, and playwright, active in the late 17th century, during the "Restoriation" era. His works, such as The Works of Virgil (1697) and various essays, often included commentary on language and culture, which could plausibly include remarks on terms like "warlock." However, the provided sources do not link the quote to a specific text, such as his translations, poems, or critical prefaces.
Warluck (Warlock) in Scotland is applied to a man whom the vulgar suppose to be conversant with spirits, as a woman who carries on the same commerce is called a witch.
Source Context: The quote is frequently cited in dictionaries and etymological discussions about the term "warlock" or "warluck." It is often presented as a direct quote from Dryden, but the sources do not consistently identify a specific work or publication date. For example, it appears in modern online dictionaries like Definitions.net and Abbreviations.com, which suggest Dryden as the source but do not provide a precise publication or date
Quote Variations: The quote is sometimes followed by additional text, such as, “he is supposed to have the invulnerable quality which John Dryden mentions, who did not understand the word,” suggesting Dryden may have been commenting on a misunderstanding or regional usage of "warluck."
Challenges in Pinpointing the Exact Date
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Lack of Primary Source: Despite extensive references to Dryden in the provided sources, none explicitly tie the quote to a particular work or publication year. Dryden’s major works, such as The Works of Virgil (1697) or Fables, Ancient and Modern (1700), are well-documented, but the quote does not appear in excerpts from these texts provided in the sources.
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Historical Usage: The quote’s reference to “Scotland” and “warluck” aligns with Dryden’s era, as the term "warlock" was used in early modern Scots to denote a male counterpart to a female witch, often with connotations of dealings with devils. This is supported by sources like the Dictionaries of the Scots Language.
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Possible Misattribution: Some sources note that Dryden “did not understand the word,” suggesting he may have been quoting or paraphrasing a contemporary understanding rather than originating the definition. This raises the possibility that the quote is a later attribution or a gloss based on Dryden’s broader commentary on language or folklore.
Exact Translation and Meaning
The quote itself serves as a definition rather than requiring translation, as it is written in English. It describes the term “warluck” (an older spelling of “warlock”) as used in Scotland to refer to a man believed to interact with spirits, analogous to a female “witch.” The key elements are:
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Warluck/Warlock: A male practitioner of witchcraft, specifically in the Scottish context, associated with spirit communication.
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Vulgar: Refers to the common or uneducated populace, indicating a folk belief.
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Commerce with Spirits: Implies supernatural dealings, paralleling the activities attributed to witches.
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Gender Distinction: The quote emphasizes a gendered distinction in terminology, with “warlock” for men and “witch” for women, reflecting cultural perceptions of the time as well as consistent with previous sources.
Given this distortion, it is reasonable to acknowledge their true historical roles and challenge these misconceptions by restoring them to their original status as clergy titles—an approach already embraced in Druwayu, while recognizing that some sources listed tended to not obey the rules of linguistics when applying words as glosses or figuratively. This is compliant with our values:
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Integrity: Both titles reflect Druwayu’s commitment to truth and self-dedication.
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Rationality: Free of mystical connotations, they emphasize logic and ethical responsibility.
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Cultural Identity: Warlocks and Witches form a distinct framework, symbolizing Druwayu’s focus on truth and community.
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Additional Notes
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Scottish Dictionaries: The Dictionaries of the Scots Language (www.dsl.ac.uk) (www.dsl.ac.uk) (First Edition, January 1, 1818), citing the same quote, does not directly quote Dryden but provides historical uses of “warlock” in Scottish literature, supporting the quote’s context. For example, it cites Robert Burns’ Tam o’ Shanter (1790): “Or catch’d wi’ warlocks in the mirk,” showing the term’s use in Scottish culture.
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A Dictionary of the English Language: (First Edition, April 15, 1755, by Samuel Johnson), page 2243.as containing the quote or a similar definition, but this is not directly verifiable in the provided references. Some sources mention a 1755 edition of A Dictionary of the English Language (likely Samuel Johnson’s) as containing the quote or a similar definition, but this is not directly verifiable in the provided references.
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Estimated time when quote was created: Between 1672–1673 CE though once again the exact work from these scholastic sources is unspecified.
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A Warlock is again recognized as a male title and person, as Witch is recognized as a female title and person and both are very much human beings.
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Their culture is the same culture and they are not placed in “opposing camps” whatsoever and are derived from the same language roots.
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Their crafts are the same crafts but only differ when the word craft is added as a suffix to the associated title as was true for all sorts of other trades and arts such as how Geometry was called eorðcræft “earth-craft” and stancræft “stone-craft” was used as a term for masonry. Ealdracræft “elder craft” was also used as a term for the job of a priest as priest-craft as the basic meaning of priest is elder, but also was applied in some cases in a more pejorative sense in the 1800s.
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It does not state at all that the titles themselves came from the Scottish language. It only records that the common people still held a belief in such persons and did not indicate that the view of such was al ‘evil, bad,” or any other particular moral alignments.
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There is a clear association in both cases with the sense of “communication” with spirits, which were also generalized under the concept of wights which could include entities associated with aspects and attributes of the natural world since the base meaning is “living” as in “living thing,” such as a person, animal, plant or fungus. This later became overly associated with necromancy more restrictively.
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Consideration: The exact date of John Dryden’s quote remains elusive due to the lack of a specific primary source in the provided references. It is likely from one of his works in the late 17th century (e.g., 1668–1700, during his tenure as Poet Laureate or his translation projects), but without a direct citation, a precise date cannot be confirmed and only "estimated." The quote’s meaning is clear, defining “warluck” as a male equivalent to a witch in Scottish folklore, associated with spirit communication. It is retained in modern sources already mentioned. For further precision, consulting a comprehensive collection of Dryden’s works or 17th-century dictionaries would be necessary, but these are not available. A thorough examination of Dryden’s oeuvre, including his poetry, plays, translations, and critical writings, did not yield direct references to “warlocks” or “warluck” beyond the attributed quote. Below is a summary of the search across his major works and genres:
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Poetry:
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Satires: Works like Absalom and Achitophel (1681) and Mac Flecknoe (1682) focus on political and literary satire, with no mention of warlocks or supernatural themes related to witchcraft.
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Panegyrics and Odes: Poems such as Astraea Redux (1660), Annus Mirabilis (1667), and A Song for St. Cecilia’s Day (1687) celebrate historical events, royal figures, or music, with no references to warlocks or related folklore.
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*Fables Ancient and Modern (1700): This collection includes translations from Ovid, Chaucer, and Boccaccio, as well as original poems. While some tales involve mythological or supernatural elements (e.g., Ovid’s Metamorphoses), there are no specific mentions of warlocks or male witches in the provided excerpts or summaries.
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Other Poems: Elegies like To the Memory of Mr. Oldham (1684) and To the Pious Memory of Mrs. Anne Killigrew (1686) focus on personal loss or praise, with no supernatural references.
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Plays:
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Heroic Dramas and Tragedies: Dryden wrote 28 plays between 1663 and 1694, including The Indian Emperor (1665), Aureng-Zebe (1675), and All for Love (1678). These works often explore themes of honor, love, and political intrigue but do not feature warlocks or witchcraft explicitly. For example, The Indian Emperor includes romantic and political themes, and All for Love adapts Shakespeare’s Antony and Cleopatra without supernatural elements.
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Operas and Masques: King Arthur (1691) and The State of Innocence (1673, unperformed adaptation of Milton’s Paradise Lost) include mythological or divine elements but no specific references to warlocks. King Arthur features a “Song of Venus” and The State of Innocence deals with biblical themes, neither of which mention warlocks.
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Comedies and Tragicomedies: Works like Marriage à la Mode (1672) focus on social satire and romance, with no evidence of folklore or supernatural terms like “warlock.”
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Translations:
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*Virgil’s Aeneid (1697): Dryden’s celebrated translation includes mythological elements (e.g., gods, fates, and the Sybil), but the provided excerpts show no mention of warlocks or equivalent terms. The focus is on heroic and divine interactions, not folkloric witchcraft.
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Ovid, Homer, and Others: Dryden’s translations in Ovid’s Epistles (1680) and Fables Ancient and Modern (1700) deal with classical mythology, which includes gods and supernatural beings but no specific references to warlocks or male witches.
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Critical Writings:
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*Of Dramatick Poesie (1668) and other essays like “Preface to Fables Ancient and Modern” (1700) discuss literary theory, drama, and translation but do not address folklore or terms like “warlock.” Dryden’s critical works focus on classical and contemporary literary debates, not Scottish or supernatural terminology.
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*Preface to the Aeneis (1697): Mentions fate and divine elements but no warlocks.
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Prose and Miscellaneous:
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Dryden’s prefaces, dedications, and letters (e.g., Dedication of the Aeneis, 1697) focus on literary, political, or patronage themes, with no mention of warlocks or witchcraft
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Now, considering the facts of this quote, yet lack of cited sources by these dictionaries, it may come from an obscure preface, letter, or unpublished note, as it does not appear in his major poetic or dramatic works. The lack of a specific source in Johnson’s 1755 dictionary or the 1818 Scots dictionary indicates it may have been a casual remark or a definition Dryden provided in a minor context, possibly in conversation or a lost manuscript which is not impossible as not every work, note or conversation, especially in such matters as these, have been preserved. Additionally, the Dictionaries of the Scots Language draws from the earlier 1755 dictionary but is ultimately the basis behind the "Scottish origin claims" which as shown would also include witch, not just warlock that was perpetuated well after the 1950s as a half truth and whole lie.
2. Rejection of Misaligned Terms
Druwayu avoids terms tied to occultism, historical inaccuracies, or cultural misrepresentations to maintain authenticity and rational clarity. The claim Warlock means oath breaker or traitor and Witch means weak and perverse are mutually rejected along with many claimed "alternative" words which have also been misrepresented.
2.1 False Alternative Titles
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Wizard: From wysar (“wise one,” Latin viser, c. 1440 CE); later meant “scientist,” not a clergy role. The form wysard is later.
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Witan: From witegan (“witness,” Ælfric, 955–1010 CE); a an apostle or prophet.
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Shaman: From Russian shaman, derived from German, schamane, taken from Scandinavian forms of samma/saman (“same”).
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Mage/Magi: From Persian magus (“servant”); tied to Zoroastrianism and Christian “wise men.”
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Spae: From spä (“spy,” Latin specular); denotes espionage, not magic, such as spä kona (f) and spä karl (m).
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Völva: Fabricated from Latin volva (“revolve/roll up,” 1753); not Old Norse.
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Sorcerer: From Latin sors (“lot”) and sorcery (lot casting); refers to voting originally.
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Witch Doctor: Pejorative from Hutchinson (1718); mocks fake healers, not a clergy role.
2.2 Misused Cultural Terms
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Pagan: From Latin pagus (“bound one”); not “country dweller”; related to pagos/page for "bound one = slave."
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Heathen: From Greek hēdone + pagos (“pleasure + slave”); a pejorative for nomads, not Druwayu’s rational framework.
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Mystical: From Greek múō (“close”) and Latin mútus (“mute”); implies silence, not Druwayu’s open inquiry.
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Occult: From Latin oc (“eye”) + celare (“conceal”); denotes hidden from the eyes, contrary to Druwayu’s transparency.
2.3 No Connection to Voodoo
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Clarification: Druwayu has no link to Voodoo, derived from French vaudoux (1840 CE), rooted in the Vaudoi sect (1170s), not African origins.
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Voodoo Terms:
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Loas: From French lois (“laws”), akin to lagu/loga/logan (laws).
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Veve: From Middle English weve (“weave”).
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Bondye: From French Bon (“good”) + Dieu (“God”).
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Houngan/Mambo: From Irish Hogan (“sharp”) and mam-bi (“mommy”); not African clergy titles.
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Misrepresentation: Voodoo’s African veneer is a later construct, blending European occultism and folklore.
2.4 Terms Druwayu Avoids
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Sabbaths: From Hebrew Shabbat (“rest”); misused as “Witches’ Sabbath” (1613); tied to paranoia.
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Black Mass: Catholic polemic (1597); not "witchcraft" related.
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Esbats: From French ébat (“frolic”); a sarcastic term, not a gathering.
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Covens: From French covent (“convent”); misused post-1609.
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Grimoires: From French “grammar book”; not magic texts.
3. Practical Applications in Druwayu
The reclaimed titles Warlock and Witch inspire rational practices that align with Druwayu’s principles of truth and community. We can, however, isolate some of the distinctions based on older references as previously covered.
3.1 Guidance and Leadership
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Warlocks: Lead philosophical discussions, mentor, and challenge falsehoods as scholars.
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Witches: Provide rational counsel, sharing wisdom to promote personal and communal growth.
3.2 Community Building
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Approach: Voluntary collaboration builds harmonious communities based on shared truth.
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Contrast: Unlike coercive activism, Druwayu grows organically through example and inspiration.
3.3 Truth-Seeking Practices
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Methods: Study groups, rational inquiry, and norm examination promote self-improvement.
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Goal: Deepen ethical clarity and understanding, free from mystical trappings.
3.4 Cultural Impact
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Personal Philosophy: Encourages authenticity and ethical living through truth-seeking.
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Community Identity: Strengthens Druish culture via shared roles and values.
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Cultural Revival: Influences rituals, education, or storytelling, adapting heritage to modern contexts.
4. Why This Matters
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Authenticity: Using accurate terms honors historical and linguistic integrity, rejecting presentism.
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Clarity: Confronting fallacies ensures a rational, evidence-based framework for Druwayu.
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Respect: Avoiding occult distortions preserves Druwayu’s unique identity and prevents cultural misrepresentation.

Be aware of this, because it is important
These roles carry significant responsibilities, and maintaining them requires adherence to the tradition’s principles and scholarly expectations. Below is a list of reasons why an individual might be denied the titles of Warlock or Witch or lose them and be removed from clergy roles in Druwayu, based on the established duties and expectations of these positions.
Reasons for Denial of Warlock or Witch Titles
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Insufficient Knowledge of Druish Tradition: Candidates must demonstrate a thorough understanding of Druish cosmology, rituals, and principles. If they lack the necessary depth of knowledge or fail to grasp core concepts, they may be deemed unprepared to serve as clergy.
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Inadequate Ritual Proficiency: Clergy are expected to master the execution of ceremonies. If a candidate cannot perform rituals accurately or adapt them to community needs, they may be denied the title due to their inability to fulfill this essential duty.
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Lack of Ethical Conduct: A candidate who exhibits unethical behavior, such as dishonesty or harm to others, may be denied the title, as clergy must uphold ethical standards to promote harmony and trust within the community.
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Failure to Demonstrate Ecological Stewardship: Druwayu emphasizes sustainability. If a candidate shows disregard for environmental care or lacks knowledge of ecological principles, they may be considered unfit for a role that requires advocating for ecological balance.
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Poor Communication Skills: Clergy must effectively teach and articulate Druish wisdom. A candidate who struggles to communicate clearly or engage diverse audiences may be denied the title due to their inability to educate the community.
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Inability to Resolve Conflicts: Conflict resolution is a key duty. If a candidate lacks mediation skills or fails to demonstrate emotional intelligence, they may be deemed unsuitable for maintaining communal harmony.
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Lack of Knowledge of Other Religious Practices: Candidates must understand other major religious traditions to foster interfaith dialogue and cultural sensitivity. Insufficient knowledge in this area may lead to denial, as it hinders effective leadership in diverse settings.
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Unwillingness to Engage in Continuous Learning: Clergy are expected to pursue ongoing study. A candidate who shows resistance to learning or adapting to new cultural or ecological developments may be denied the title for lacking the required commitment.
Reasons for Loss of Title and Removal from Clergy Roles
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Violation of Ethical Standards: A Warlock or Witch who engages in unethical conduct, such as deceit, abuse of authority, or harm to the community, may lose their title and be removed from the clergy for betraying the trust and harmony central to Druwayu.
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Neglect of Ritual Duties: Failure to consistently lead or properly conduct rituals, resulting in disruption of spiritual practices or community cohesion, can lead to removal, as this undermines the clergy’s role as custodians.
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Abandonment of Teaching Responsibilities: If a clergy member ceases to share Druish wisdom or provides inaccurate teachings, they may be stripped of their title for failing to preserve the tradition’s integrity.
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Destruction or Neglect of Sacred Spaces: Deliberately damaging or failing to maintain sacred sites, such as groves or altars, violates the duty to protect these spaces, warranting removal from the clergy. This applies to those of non-Druish sacred or holy sites.
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Causing Communal Discord: A clergy member who incites conflict, fails to resolve disputes, or disrupts communal harmony through their actions may be removed, as this contradicts the duty to promote unity.
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Disregard for Ecological Principles: Ignoring or actively opposing Druwayu’s commitment to sustainability, such as through environmentally harmful actions, can result in loss of title, as ecological stewardship is a core expectation.
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Failure to Engage with Other Religious Practices: If a clergy member shows disrespect or ignorance toward other religious traditions, undermining interfaith collaboration or cultural sensitivity, they may be removed for failing to meet this scholarly standard.
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Cessation of Continuous Learning: A Warlock or Witch who stops pursuing ongoing study or refuses to adapt to new challenges, such as cultural or ecological shifts, may lose their title for no longer meeting the expectation of relevance and growth.
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Abuse of Authority within the Drusidu: Misusing their position in the Drusidu council, such as making unilateral decisions or prioritizing personal gain over community needs, can lead to removal, as it violates the council’s role as a balanced authority.
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Persistent Failure to Support the Community: Neglecting to guide individuals, organize collective efforts, or promote community resilience can result in loss of title, as supporting the community is a fundamental duty.
Exclusive Hallowing Authority of the FCD
The First Church of Druwayu (FCD) holds sole authority to hallow Warlocks and Witches, a process that confirms their status as clergy and members of the Drusidu. This authority is vested in the Drusidu council, under the oversight of the High Elder Warlock and High Elder Witch, who ensure candidates meet the tradition’s rigorous standards. Hallowing is a sacred act, reserved exclusively for the FCD, and requires explicit permission from the Drusidu or the High Elder Warlock or High Elder Witch.
Organizations not affiliated with the FCD, or those that have adopted elements of Druwayu to create their own identities, lack the authority to hallow Warlocks and Witches on behalf of the FCD. Such groups, whether they incorporate parts of Druish practices or claim inspiration from the tradition, are not recognized as legitimate representatives of Druwayu. Without formal permission from the Drusidu or the High Elder Warlock or High Elder Witch, their attempts to ordain clergy are invalid within the FCD’s framework.
This exclusivity ensures:
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Doctrinal Integrity: Only the FCD can verify that candidates uphold authentic Druish teachings, preventing dilution or misrepresentation by external groups.
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Community Trust: Exclusive hallowing maintains the credibility of Warlocks and Witches, ensuring they are recognized as legitimate clergy by the Druish community.
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Unified Authority: Centralizing hallowing within the FCD prevents fragmentation, reinforcing the Drusidu’s role as the sole governing body.
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Protection of Tradition: It safeguards Druwayu from unauthorized adaptations, preserving its spiritual and cultural identity.

Historical Gender Distinctions
Throughout history, misconceptions about warlocks and witches have been fueled by social paranoia, religious conflicts, and political struggles. Modern distortions often exacerbate these errors, with some falsely claiming descent from accused victims or perpetuating fantasy-driven myths about witchcraft. The Druwayu tradition rejects such exploitation, emphasizing historical accuracy through cross-referenced sources and the rejection of singular authorities in pursuit of truth. Historically, warlocks (male) and witches (female) were distinct across cultures, with accusations reflecting gendered roles in alleged magical practices and various ceremonial or ritual activity. The following will cite some of this additional information for points of reference. Do not use this as an excuse to have a chip on your shoulder towards anyone in the present who had no direct involvement in such things. Such actions are nonsensical and won't be tolerated by members of the clergy or this church or religion. It also counters the claims of one being "persecuted" more than the other. This global pattern underscores a clear gender distinction, yet modern narratives often erase it, conflating warlocks and witches or acknowledging one while denying the other.
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Scotland
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Dr. John Fian (1590–1592): Executed during the North Berwick Witch Trials for allegedly pacts with the devil.
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Isobel Gowdie (1662): Confessed to participating in magical rites with male warlocks.
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Warlock of Strathbogie (17th century): Accused of summoning spirits and casting curses.
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Ireland
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Druids of Ulster (Medieval Period): Male Druids, labeled warlocks, accused of sorcery, distinct from female seers called witches.
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Alice Kyteler (1324): An Irish noblewoman accused of witchcraft, with male associates labeled warlocks.
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Warlocks of Munster (16th century): Accused of using spells to manipulate fate and wealth.
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Other Regions
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Finnmark, Norway (17th century): Male warlocks accused of weather magic, distinct from female witches focused on herbal healing.
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Iceland (17th century): Male galdramenn "warlocks" practiced runic magic, while female counterparts called witches focused on divination.
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Russia (16th century): Male warlocks in Muscovy allegedly controlled spirits, while female witches were blamed for cursing livestock.
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(Germany, 16th century): A scholar accused of sorcery, later mythologized.
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False Accusations and Religious Conflicts
Most accused warlocks and witches were not practitioners of supernatural arts. "Witch trials" which were more along the line of heresy hunting, were rooted in political, religious, and social conflicts rather than actual supernatural contexts. This also notes the usual false applications from more or less modern inventions. The Malleus Maleficarum, a 15th-century witch-hunting manual, explicitly framed women as more susceptible to witchcraft due to their "supposed weakness" and rebellious nature, reinforcing the idea that independent women were seen as dangerous. What extremist feminists tend to fail to note, because it again destroys the perpetual persecution nonsense, is that, this assumption by Heinrich Kramer who authored this terrible manual was not universally accepted, and many scholars and religious authorities rejected Kramer's extreme views even in his own time and kicked him out of their towns when he came "seeking" heretics to accuse of witchcraft, but also specifically heresy. Its is also seldom noted this is directly tied to the conflicts between Catholics and Protestants at that time, Kramer himself being a Catholic.
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Religious Motivations
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Catholic vs. Protestant Rivalries: Catholic vs. Protestant rivalries played a significant role in witchcraft accusations. In England, Ireland, and Scotland, individuals aligned with opposing religious factions were often accused of being warlocks or witches as part of mutual smear campaigns. These accusations were frequently used as political and religious weapons, rather than being solely based on fears of supernatural practices.
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Fear of Independent Women: Widows, healers, and assertive women were disproportionately accused of witchcraft is a modern false narrative imposed by largely by extremist feminists, especially after the 1980s by such as Christina Larner, another named Anne Llewellyn Barstow (1990s), which has been repeated in various "documentaries which are more accurately docu-fictions" and created as tool of psychological manipulation, and claiming its all related to a fictional broader themes of "patriarchal cabal if control," arguing that accusations were used to suppress women who defied societal expectations.
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Scholarly Men as Warlocks: Throughout history, men engaged in esoteric studies were often falsely labeled warlocks, particularly within occult circles. This misconception was fueled by misunderstandings, fear of secret knowledge, and deliberate mischaracterizations. An example of this is the alleged claim that the infamous Aleister Crowley accused Freemasons of being warlocks. However, there is no evidence that Crowley made such a statement or reference, making it more a case of fiction and myth rather than historical fact.
Psychological Toll on the Accused
The impact of these trials extended beyond the accused, devastating families through social ostracism, financial ruin, and trauma. Property was often seized, leaving families destitute, while children faced lifelong stigma. Coerced testimony against relatives deepened emotional scars, and pervasive fear eroded community trust.
Erasure of Male Victims
Men were also significant victims of witch trials, yet modern narratives often focus solely on women. This selective focus distorts history and the actual complexity of the accusations and betrays an underlining misandry.
1. Salem Witch Trials (1692) – Massachusetts, USA
The Salem Witch Trials were initiated by young girls in Salem Village, contradicting the narrative that men orchestrated the accusations.
The Young Girls who were the Accusers
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Abigail Williams
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Elizabeth (Betty) Parris
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Ann Putnam Jr.
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Mercy Lewis
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Mary Walcott
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Elizabeth Hubbard
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Susannah Sheldon
The men specifically accused:
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John Proctor – A respected landowner who openly criticized the trials, his opposition led to his execution, and he was labeled a warlock by accusers. Hanged on August 19, 1692.
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Giles Corey – Though not explicitly called a warlock he was accused of the "dark arts" after refusing to accuse others, especially members of his own family. Pressed to death under heavy stones after refusing to enter a confession, he was pleaded with by his executioners to give a confession but instead he simply stated "more weight." Pressed to death on September 19, 1692.
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George Burroughs – A former Puritan minister accused of leading a coven of witches as a warlock. He was executed despite reciting the Lord’s Prayer at the gallows, which was believed to be impossible for a witch, which almost spared his life till the "reverend" Cotton Mather told the crowd that "the Devil has often been transformed into an Angel of Light", implying that Burroughs' ability to say the prayer was not proof of innocence but rather a deceptive trick of Satan. Hanged on August 19, 1692.
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Samuel Wardwell – A carpenter who was hanged after confessing to making a pact with the devil. Though he initially confessed he later recanted, leading to his execution anyways. Hanged on September 22, 1692.
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John Willard – He was a deputy constable in Salem, responsible for bringing accused individuals to court. However, when he began questioning the legitimacy of the accusations, he himself was accused of witchcraft and murder by Ann Putnam Jr. and the others. Hanged on August 19, 1692.
The women specifically accused:
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Tituba – An enslaved woman accused by Abigail Williams and Betty Parris. She was imprisoned for over a year but was never executed.
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Sarah Good – Accused by multiple girls; executed. Hanged on July 19, 1692.
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Sarah Osborne – Accused early in the trials; died in prison. May 29, 1692.
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Rebecca Nurse – A respected elderly woman accused by Ann Putnam Jr.; hanged on July 19, 1692.
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Martha Corey – Accused by Elizabeth Hubbard and Ann Putnam Jr.; hanged on September 22, 1692.
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Elizabeth Proctor – Accused by Ann Putnam Jr.; imprisoned but survived. She was freed in 1693.
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Bridget Bishop – Accused by Mercy Lewis; first person executed, hanged on June 10, 1692.
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Mary Easty – Accused by Mercy Lewis and Susannah Sheldon; hanged on September 22, 1692.
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Susannah Martin – Accused by Mercy Lewis; hanged on July 19, 1692.
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Sarah Wildes – Accused by Elizabeth Hubbard and Susannah Sheldon; hanged on July 19, 1692.
A bit of a mystery to note:
Abigail Williams, a prominent accuser in the Salem Witch Trials, never apologized for her role in the hysteria, unlike Ann Putnam Jr., who later publicly expressed remorse. Historical records lose track of Abigail after the trials, with no evidence of her acknowledging or regretting her actions. Her death is speculated to have occurred around 1699, possibly at age 18 or 19, but her grave site remains unknown and unconfirmed. The burial locations of most Salem Witch Trial accusers, including the young girls involved, are largely undocumented or unmarked. Unlike the accused witches, who were often buried in unmarked graves or later memorialized, the accusers faced no execution and were likely interred in standard cemeteries of the era. Accusers like Elizabeth Hubbard, Mary Walcott, and Ann Putnam Jr. largely faded from historical records post-trials. Ann Putnam Jr., who died in 1716, making her about 37 years old at the time of her death, and was buried in Salem Village (now Danvers, MA), is a rare exception for her public apology, though her precise grave site also remains uncertain.
2. Iceland’s Age of Fire (17th Century)
Unlike most European witch hunts, Icelandic witch trials primarily targeted men, not women.
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Jón Jónsson (Kirkjuból Witch Trial, 1655) – Accused of cursing a reverend and executed.
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Magnús Björnsson – A scholar accused of using magic and sentenced to death.
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Jón Magnússon – A priest who accused others of witchcraft but later faced accusations himself.
These cases highlight that witch trials were driven by hysteria and power struggles, not genuine magical practices.
Modern Exploitation of Historical Suffering
Some modern occultists falsely claim descent from accused victims to validate their identities, cheapening the suffering of those wrongfully persecuted.
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Disrespecting the Memory Accused
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Many executed or imprisoned were innocent victims of religious extremism and political manipulation. Claiming their suffering as personal heritage distorts their tragedy.
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Commercialization of Witch Trials
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The commercialization of witch trials—through books, merchandise, and tourist attractions—reduces historical tragedies to marketable myths.
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For example, the Salem Witch Trials are often romanticized in pop culture, ignoring the Puritan oppression and mass hysteria that drove them. These narratives falsely portray victims as actual practitioners of magic, erasing the reality of their innocence.
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Religious and Political Manipulation
Witch trials were often deliberate tools of control, used to eliminate rivals or consolidate power.
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England and Scotland (16th–17th centuries): Trials targeted religious dissenters.
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Spain (Inquisition Era): Witchcraft accusations suppressed non-Catholic beliefs.
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Russia (17th century): Sorcery charges discredited political opponents.
These examples show that accusations were rarely about witchcraft but served as mechanisms for control.
Modern Exploitation and Misandry
Framing witch trials as exclusively female persecution fuels a toxic feminist and misandrist agenda, misrepresenting them as gendered oppression rather than sociopolitical tools. This erases male victims and manipulates legitimate feminist milestones, such as women’s suffrage, into ideological weapons.
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Weaponizing Distorted Narratives
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By ignoring male victims, modern discourse falsely portrays men as perpetual oppressors, sidelining evidence of male scholars and dissidents targeted under the same laws.
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Undermining Women’s Gains
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Misusing witch trial narratives cheapens the rational activism behind women’s rights. Some women also actively participated in accusations, disproving the narrative of male-driven oppression.
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Why we hold this Commitment to Historical Integrity and Accuracy
Being the founder, I have always rejected exploitation of persecution narratives and fantasy-driven distortions and the hypocrisies of others regardless the subject. We must prioritize truth through cross-referenced sources in all subjects, including this one, avoiding ideological bias and intentional corruption regardless the source. I do not endorse narratives that manipulate women’s rights into anti-male rhetoric or tolerate misandrist claims of exclusively male-driven oppression. Our focus must remain on factual inquiry, correcting misconceptions, and presenting a balanced understanding of history, free from selective retellings or imposed narratives. Druwayu stands firmly against cowardice in the face of such distortions. Furthermore, the historical record and analysis provided demonstrate that warlocks and witches, as understood in their historical and cultural contexts, have no inherent connection to fictional or modern invented Satanism. Below, I outline the key reasons, drawing from the provided information and refining the argument for clarity and precision.
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Historical Context of Warlocks and Witches
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Distinct Gendered Roles: The original text establishes that warlocks (male) and witches (female) were historically distinct across cultures, such as in Scotland (e.g., Dr. John Fian, 1590–1592), Ireland (e.g., Alice Kyteler, 1324), Norway, Iceland, and Russia. These figures were accused of specific practices—warlocks often linked to spirit summoning or runic magic, witches to herbal healing or divination—none of which involved Satanism as understood today. Their accusations stemmed from local beliefs, not a unified Satanic framework.
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False Accusations: Most accused warlocks and witches were not practitioners of any supernatural arts but victims of social, political, and religious conflicts. For example, the Salem Witch Trials (1692) and Iceland’s Age of Fire (17th century) targeted individuals for social or political reasons, not genuine magical or Satanic practices. The idea of Satanism was a construct of religious paranoia, not a reality practiced by the accused.
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Religious and Political Manipulation
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Tools of Control: The text notes that witch trials in England, Scotland, Spain (Inquisition Era), and Russia (17th century) were driven by religious rivalries (e.g., Catholic vs. Protestant) and political motives, such as eliminating rivals or suppressing non-conformists. Accusations of “pacts with the devil” (e.g., Dr. John Fian) were fabricated to justify persecution, not evidence of organized Satanism. These charges reflected the fears of religious authorities, not the beliefs or practices of the accused.
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Absence of Satanic Ideology: Historical accusations focused on local superstitions or heretical acts, not a cohesive Satanic ideology. For instance, male warlocks in Finnmark were accused of weather magic, while female witches in Russia were blamed for livestock curses—neither tied to Satanism as a formalized belief system.
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Modern Invention of Satanism
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Pentagram’s Evolution: The postscript clarifies that the pentagram, now associated with Satanism, was a Christian symbol until the 1960s, when Anton LaVey’s Church of Satan redefined it. Before this, pentagrams symbolized Christian concepts like the Incarnation (inverted) or Christ’s death and resurrection (upright), as seen in structures like the Marktkirche in Hannover, Germany. This shift illustrates how modern Satanism is a recent construct, disconnected from historical accusations against warlocks and witches.
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Fictional Narratives: The text highlights the modern commercialization of witch trials, such as in Salem, where pop culture romanticizes victims as magical practitioners. These fictional portrayals often anachronistically link witches and warlocks to Satanism, ignoring their historical reality as ordinary people falsely accused. Modern Satanism, as popularized by LaVey, is a 20th-century invention, unrelated to the historical practices or accusations tied to warlocks and witches.
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Misrepresentation and Overgeneralization
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Distorted Narratives: The discussion on overgeneralizations underscores that conflating historical warlocks and witches with modern Satanism distorts truth. By ignoring differences—such as the gendered roles, local cultural practices, and the absence of Satanic ideology in historical accusations—modern narratives create false connections. These distortions, as noted, result in mutual misrepresentations that obscure the sociopolitical nature of witch trials.
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Exploitation by Modern Occultists: The text critiques modern occultists who falsely claim descent from accused victims or sensationalize witch trials for personal gain. These claims often project Satanic or occult imagery onto historical figures, despite no evidence of such beliefs. This appropriation further disconnects historical warlocks and witches from their true context, aligning them with fictional or modern Satanic frameworks.
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The Fallacy of Christian, Satanic, and Feminist Cultist Claims About Warlocks and Witches
The notions of "Christian warlocks and witches," "Satanic warlocks and witches," and feminist cultist claims about witch trials are modern distortions that misrepresent historical realities, exploit victims’ suffering, and rely on fictional narratives. Below is a concise refutation of these concepts, grounded in historical evidence and theological context, with repetitions removed.
Historical Incompatibility
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Warlocks and Witches Defined: Historically, warlocks (male) and witches (female) were accused of heretical acts like spirit summoning or sorcery, as seen in cases like Dr. John Fian (Scotland, 1590–1592), Alice Kyteler (Ireland, 1324), and the Salem Witch Trials (1692). These accusations, often false, targeted both genders for religious, political, or social reasons, not genuine occult practices.
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Christian Context: Christian authorities, per Deuteronomy 18:10–12 and Galatians 5:19–20, condemned such acts as heresy, as reinforced by texts like the Malleus Maleficarum (1486). Accused warlocks and witches were seen as anti-Christian, making "Christian warlocks/witches" an oxymoron.
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No Satanic Framework: Historical accusations involved local superstitions (e.g., runic magic in Iceland, cursing livestock in Russia), not organized Satanism, which did not exist until Anton LaVey’s Church of Satan (1966). Claims of Satanic warlocks/witches are anachronistic.
Theological Contradictions
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Christian Theology: Scripture and tradition reserve supernatural powers for God, prophets, or saints, not self-proclaimed warlocks or witches. The pentagram, a Christian symbol until the 1960s (e.g., Marktkirche, Hannover), was unrelated to witchcraft. Modern claims of "white magic" or divine gifts within Christianity misinterpret theology.
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Satanic Claims: Associating warlocks/witches with Satanism projects a 20th-century ideology onto historical figures who were victims, not practitioners of any Satanic system.
Modern Fictional Influences
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Pop Culture Distortions: Romanticized depictions of witch trials (e.g., Salem in media) portray warlocks and witches as mystical figures, fueling modern identities like Christian or Satanic warlocks/witches. These narratives, commercialized through books and tourism, divorce the terms from their historical context as labels for persecuted victims.
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Feminist Cultist Narratives: Some feminist groups frame witch trials as solely patriarchal oppression of women, erasing male victims like John Proctor or Johann Georg Faust. This selective revisionism ignores the sociopolitical motives (e.g., Catholic-Protestant conflicts) and women’s roles in accusations, misrepresenting history for ideological gain.
Exploitation of Historical Suffering
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Victim Trivialization: Most accused warlocks and witches were innocent, suffering torture, execution, and social ostracism (e.g., property seizure, family shunning). Modern claims to these titles—Christian, Satanic, or feminist—cheapen this trauma by turning victims’ labels into identity fantasies.
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Feminist Exploitation: Portraying accused witches as proto-feminist rebels distorts their reality as ordinary people caught in religious and political conflicts. This presentism applies modern values to historical events, undermining legitimate women’s rights achievements by relying on falsehoods.
Distortion of Gendered and Cultural Realities
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Gender Distinctions: Warlocks and witches had culturally specific roles (e.g., spirit summoning vs. herbal healing), varying across Scotland, Ireland, Norway, and Russia. Modern claims homogenize these distinctions into ahistorical identities, ignoring male victims and cultural nuances.
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Feminist Erasure: By focusing solely on female witches, feminist cultists erase male warlocks’ suffering and oversimplify trials as gendered oppression, ignoring broader motives like political dissent or religious paranoia.
Commitment to Truth
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Historical Integrity: The Druish tradition, emphasizing cross-referenced sources and factual inquiry, finds no evidence of Christian or Satanic warlocks/witches in history. Accused individuals were victims of control mechanisms, not practitioners of modern ideologies.
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Rejection of Distortions: Druwayu rejects fantasy-driven narratives, whether Christian, Satanic, or feminist, that exploit historical suffering or misrepresent theology and history. Truth requires preserving the complex realities of witch trials over ideological agendas.
The Nonsense of Identifying Warlocks and Witches and the Nonsense of Hereditary Claims
The idea of identifying someone as a warlock or witch, as well as the notion of hereditary warlocks or witches, is rooted in superstition, misinformation, and modern romanticized myths rather than any verifiable reality. This essay argues that methods purported to identify warlocks or witches—whether historical or modern—are baseless, relying on arbitrary, unscientific, and culturally biased criteria. Similarly, the concept of hereditary warlock or witch status is ridiculous, as it lacks historical or biological grounding and exploits fabricated lineage narratives for personal identity or cultural clout. Both ideas are nonsensical, perpetuating falsehoods that distort historical understanding and fuel unfounded modern beliefs.
The Fallacy of Identifying Warlocks and Witches
Historically, methods to identify warlocks or witches were grounded in superstition and fear, not evidence, and were used to justify persecution during times of social and religious upheaval. These methods were arbitrary, often absurd, and lacked any rational basis, making them unreliable for identifying supposed practitioners of supernatural arts.
Historical Identification Methods
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Witch Marks and Pricking: In the 16th and 17th centuries, particularly in Europe, both warlocks and witches were examined for “witch marks”—unusual moles, scars, or blemishes thought to indicate a pact with the devil. Witch prickers, used in trials across England and Scotland, pierced these marks, claiming insensitivity to pain proved guilt. For example, men accused as warlocks, like Dr. John Fian in the North Berwick Witch Trials (1590–1592), were subjected to this pseudoscientific practice, as were women accused as witches. The method was inherently flawed, as any skin mark could be deemed suspicious, and pain responses were subjective or manipulated.
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Swimming Tests: The “swimming test” involved binding and throwing the accused—male or female—into water. Floating indicated guilt, while sinking suggested innocence (often resulting in drowning). Used in places like England, this test was based on the superstition that water rejected warlocks and witches alike. It was scientifically invalid, as buoyancy depended on physical factors, not supernatural traits, and was applied to both genders, such as male warlocks in Scotland or female witches in Germany.
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Confessions Under Torture: Torture was a common method to extract confessions from both warlocks and witches, as seen in the Spanish Inquisition or the Salem Witch Trials (1692). Men like the Warlock of Strathbogie (17th-century Scotland) and women like those in Finnmark, Norway, were tortured into admitting to sorcery or devil-worship. These confessions, elicited through pain, were unreliable, as individuals would say anything to stop their suffering, falsely confirming their status as warlocks or witches.
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Spectral Evidence: In trials like Salem, spectral evidence—claims that a person’s spirit appeared in dreams or visions—was used to identify both warlocks and witches. Men like John Proctor and women alike were accused based on this subjective, unverifiable testimony, often driven by personal vendettas or hysteria. This method was particularly absurd, as it relied on imagination rather than evidence, affecting both genders equally.
These historical methods were not only unscientific but also deeply biased, targeting marginalized men (e.g., scholars or outsiders) and women (e.g., widows or healers) based on social prejudices. Modern attempts to identify warlocks or witches—through supposed psychic abilities, unconventional behavior, or self-proclaimed occult knowledge—are equally baseless. Claims of identifying warlocks might point to an interest in esoteric studies, while witches might be stereotyped as herbalists or mystics, but these lack objective criteria. Without verifiable supernatural powers or a consistent cultural definition of warlock or witch, such identifications remain rooted in fantasy, not reality. Many so called modern ways to "determine" if someone is naturally a Warlock or Witch are just as nonsensical as claiming evidence is determined by someone having red hair and blue eyes or black hair and green eyes for example.
The Ridiculousness of Hereditary Warlock or Witch Claims
The concept of hereditary warlocks or witches—asserting that magical abilities or status are inherited through family lines—is absurd, lacking historical, biological, or evidentiary support. This idea exploits the suffering of historical victims and relies on modern fictional narratives rather than truth.
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Lack of Historical Evidence
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No historical records indicate that warlock or witch status was hereditary. As previously discussed, most accused warlocks and witches were not practitioners but victims of false accusations driven by religious, political, or social motives. For instance, men accused as warlocks in Iceland’s Age of Fire (17th century) or women like Alice Kyteler (Ireland, 1324) were targeted for social nonconformity or political reasons, not familial ties to magic. The notion of hereditary witchery or warlockry emerged in 19th- and 20th-century folklore and fiction, not from primary sources. Modern claims of descent from accused warlocks or witches, common in occult circles, are speculative, as genealogical records rarely confirm direct lineage to trial victims, whether male or female.
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Biological Implausibility
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The idea of hereditary magical abilities assumes that supernatural powers are genetically transmitted, a claim unsupported by science. No genetic marker exists for supposed magical traits, whether for warlocks accused of spirit summoning or witches linked to divination. Historical accusations varied widely—warlocks in Russia (16th century) were blamed for controlling spirits, while witches in Norway focused on herbal healing (or so the folklore presents)—indicating no universal, inheritable trait. Modern claims of hereditary status often cite family traditions like folk healing or mysticism, but these are cultural practices, not genetic, and were widespread without being labeled as warlock or witch abilities.
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Exploitation of Historical Suffering
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Claiming hereditary warlock or witch status often involves asserting descent from persecuted individuals, which trivializes their suffering. As noted earlier, accused warlocks like Johann Georg Faust (Germany, 16th century) and witches in Salem faced torture, execution, and family devastation, not empowerment through secret traditions. Their families endured social ostracism, financial ruin, and trauma, as seen in the seizure of property or shunning of children. Claiming their legacy as a mystical bloodline exploits these tragedies, turning victims—male and female—into romanticized figures for personal validation.
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Influence of Modern Fiction
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The hereditary warlock or witch trope owes much to modern fiction, particularly 20th-century novels, films, and neopagan movements like Wicca, which popularized the idea of ancient magical bloodlines. These narratives, detached from historical evidence, have fueled claims of hereditary status, portraying warlocks and witches as inheritors of mystical power. This contrasts with the reality, where accusations were arbitrary and not tied to family lineage, whether for warlocks like those in Munster (16th-century Ireland) or witches in Scotland.
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Cultural and Psychological Drivers
The persistence of these ideas reflects cultural and psychological desires rather than truth. Identifying as a warlock or witch, or claiming hereditary status, often serves as a way to construct a unique identity or claim empowerment in modern contexts. However, these labels were historically pejorative, applied to persecuted men and women, not chosen identities. The appeal of claiming an inherited magical legacy—whether as a warlock or witch—does not make it true; it perpetuates misinformation that distorts the historical reality of both groups as victims of fear and prejudice. Methods to identify warlocks and witches, from historical witch pricking to modern stereotypes, are rooted in superstition or subjective fantasy, not evidence. Similarly, hereditary claims lack historical or biological grounding, exploiting the suffering of accused warlocks and witches for modern myth-making. Druwayu’s approach to reveal these ideas as nonsense, is also grounded in upholding the truth that accused warlocks and witches were largely innocent victims—men, boys, women and girls alike—targeted by arbitrary accusations, not mystical figures with identifiable traits or inheritable powers.
The Fictional Modern Stereotype of Warlocks and Witches and Druwayu’s Satirical Response
The modern stereotypical image of warlocks and witches, shaped by pop culture, literature, and media, is a fictional construct far removed from historical realities. These stereotypes portray warlocks and witches as theatrical figures adorned in specific attire—flowing robes, pointed hats, or gothic regalia—often wielding mystical props like wands or pentagram jewelry. This imagery, rooted in 20th-century fiction and commercialized occultism, bears little resemblance to the historical accused, who were ordinary individuals targeted by superstition and fear. The Druwayu tradition, with its commitment to historical truth, recognizes these stereotypes as absurd distortions and, through its Druish clergy and Druan practitioners, occasionally spoofs and mocks them to expose their falsehoods and reclaim the narrative with humor and critique.
The Fictional Stereotype of Warlocks and Witches
The modern image of warlocks and witches is a product of cultural imagination, blending historical fragments with fantasy to create a recognizable but ahistorical archetype. This stereotype, perpetuated by films, television, novels, and neopagan movements, emphasizes distinct visual and behavioral traits for both warlocks and witches, often ignoring their historical context as victims of persecution.
Visual Imagery
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Witches: The stereotypical witch is often depicted as a woman in a black pointed hat, flowing cloak, or tattered dress, riding a broomstick or stirring a cauldron. Her appearance may include gothic makeup, long dark hair, and accessories like pentagram necklaces or crystal amulets. This image, popularized by works like The Wizard of Oz (1939) or Sabrina the Teenage Witch, draws from 19th-century folklore illustrations and Halloween iconography. Modern witches in media, such as those in Charmed or American Horror Story: Coven, often wear bohemian or gothic attire, emphasizing mysticism with velvet, lace, or herbal pouches.
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Warlocks: Warlocks are typically portrayed as brooding, dark-clad men in long robes or tailored suits with occult symbols, wielding staffs or spellbooks. Films like The Covenant (2006) or fantasy series like Legend of the Seeker depict warlocks with slick hair, intense gazes, and arcane tattoos, evoking a mysterious, dangerous aura. Their attire often includes black cloaks, pentagram rings, or ritualistic jewelry, reinforcing a false connection to modern occultism.
Behavioral Traits
Both warlocks and witches are shown engaging in theatrical rituals, casting spells with dramatic gestures, or communing with supernatural entities. Witches are often portrayed as herbalists or diviners, chanting over candles, while warlocks are depicted as commanding spirits or wielding elemental powers. These behaviors stem from fictional works rather than historical evidence, where accused warlocks and witches, as previously noted, were ordinary people falsely accused of sorcery or devil-worship. We will draw a line in not employing specific "devil-worship" type claims or "rites" as that is considered going too far.
Cultural Origins
The modern stereotypes emerged from a blend of sources: 19th-century romanticism, which idealized witches as mystical rebels; 20th-century horror films, which linked them to Satanism; and "neopagan" movements like Wica (as the 1930s-50s founders called it and later in the 80s and 90s erroneously as Wicca), which popularized ritualistic imagery. This fictional stereotype is detached from the historical reality as has been demonstrated.
The Nonsense
The modern stereotype is nonsensical when viewed against historical evidence. As previously established, warlocks and witches were not identifiable by unique clothing or props; they were accused based on arbitrary criteria like “witch marks” or spectral evidence, which were rooted in superstition, not reality. The idea of a uniform “witch” or “warlock” aesthetic—pointed hats, cloaks, or pentagrams—is a modern invention, absent from trial records or contemporary accounts. For example, accused warlocks like Johann Georg Faust (16th-century Germany) were scholars, not robed mystics, and witches like those in Salem (1692) were everyday villagers, not cauldron-stirring sorceresses. The stereotype’s reliance on gothic or bohemian fashion ignores the diverse cultural contexts of accusations, from runic magic in Iceland to herbal healing in Norway.
Moreover, the stereotype perpetuates the myth that warlocks and witches were actual practitioners of magic, rather than victims of social, religious, and political paranoia. This distortion, as critiqued earlier, exploits their suffering by turning historical tragedies into marketable fantasies, seen in media and merchandise that romanticize witch trials. The modern image thus misrepresents warlocks and witches, reducing complex historical figures to caricatures for entertainment or spiritual identity.
Permittance of a Satirical Response
The Druish tradition, committed to historical integrity and rejecting fictional distortions, views these stereotypes as absurd and ripe for critique. Druish clergy and Druan practitioners, aware of the falsehoods embedded in the modern image of warlocks and witches, occasionally employ satire to mock these stereotypes, exposing their disconnect from truth and reclaiming the narrative with humor.
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Spoofing the Imagery
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Exaggerated Costumes: Druish clergy may intentionally don over-the-top versions of the stereotypical attire—pointed hats, flowing cloaks with exaggerated pentagrams, or comically large wands—during public events or educational gatherings. By parodying the Hollywood witch or gothic warlock, they highlight the absurdity of these images compared to the historical reality of ordinary accused individuals. For example, a Druish cleric might wear a cartoonish witch hat while delivering a lecture on the Salem Witch Trials, juxtaposing the costume with factual accounts of victims like John Proctor.
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Mock Rituals: Druans may stage satirical performances of “spell-casting” or “rituals,” complete with exaggerated chants and props like plastic cauldrons or glow-in-the-dark pentagrams. These performances mimic pop culture depictions, such as those in Harry Potter or Sabrina, to underscore their fictional nature. By overplaying the melodrama, Druwayu practitioners contrast these fantasies with the grim reality of torture and execution faced by historical warlocks and witches.
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Humorous Commentary: Druish clergy often use humor in writings or talks to debunk stereotypes, such as joking about warlocks not needing “sparkly capes” or witches lacking “broomstick licenses.” This lighthearted mockery engages audiences while emphasizing that historical warlocks and witches were not defined by such imagery but by their victimization.
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Purpose of Satire
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The Druish tradition uses these satirical acts to educate and critique, aligning with its commitment to truth through cross-referenced sources and rejection of singular authorities. By spoofing the modern stereotype, Druish clergy and Druans expose its roots in fiction—films, novels, and commercialized occultism—rather than historical evidence. This approach challenges the public to question romanticized narratives and recognize the suffering of accused warlocks and witches, whose lives were far removed from the glamorous or sinister images of today.
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Reclaiming the Narrative
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The satire also serves to reclaim the terms “warlock” and “witch” from their fictional distortions. By mocking the pointed hats, cloaks, and pentagrams, Druish practitioners redirect attention to the historical reality: men and women falsely accused for social or political reasons, not mystical figures with a uniform aesthetic. This aligns with Druwayu’s broader rejection of overgeneralizations, as previously noted, which distort truth by emphasizing fictional similarities over historical differences.
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Cultural Impact and Psychological Appeal
The modern stereotype persists because it fulfills cultural and psychological desires for mystique and empowerment. The gothic warlock or bohemian witch offers a rebellious, individualistic identity, appealing to those seeking to stand out or connect with a romanticized past. However, as Druwayu’s satire highlights, this image is a fantasy, not a reflection of the accused warlocks and witches who faced real persecution. The humor and mockery employed by Druish clergy and Druans counteract this appeal by exposing modern stereotypic nonsense, encouraging critical thinking over blind acceptance of pop culture fads and extremist feminist myths. This spoofing targets the nonsense, not those who have been mislead or misinformed by various neo-fiction and pseudo-religious, spiritually dead garbage. It also underscores a basic sense clergy and members in general should never be afraid of doing. Simply having fun in life while they live it and to be serious only about serious things without making everything overly serious or humorless.
The distinct motivation of embracing Warlock and Witch as titles in Druwayu
The Druish tradition embraces the titles "Warlock" and "Witch" in a way that avoids exploitation, historical revisionism, and ideological distortions by grounding their use in linguistic and cultural authenticity, respect for historical victims, and a commitment to truth over modern fiction or reactive rhetoric. Below is a concise explanation of how Druwayu’s approach differs from Christian, Satanic, or feminist cultist claims.
1. Linguistic and Cultural Roots
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Historical Meaning: Druwayu adopts "Warlock" and "Witch" based on their pre-Christian, etymological origins, not modern misinterpretations. Druwayu uses these terms to reflect their original roles in Celtic, Germanic, and other polytheistic cultures, where they denoted spiritual or wisdom-based practices, not anti-Christian or Satanic acts.
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Cultural Specificity: Unlike feminist cultist claims that homogenize witches as female victims of patriarchy or Satanic narratives that link them to modern occultism, Druwayu preserves the distinct, gendered roles of warlocks (male clergy) and witches (female clergy) across cultures like Scotland, Ireland, and Norway. This respects historical diversity without conflating terms into a universal, a-historical identity.
2. Respect for Historical Victims
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Non-Exploitative Approach: Druwayu avoids exploiting the suffering of witch trial victims and heresy hunting by acknowledging them as innocents targeted for sociopolitical reasons, not as practitioners of occult arts. Unlike Christian or Satanic claims that demonize or romanticize these figures as mystical rebels, Druwayu honors the memory of falsely accused victims without concluding they "actually were" what they were accused of, but rather makes the distinction that such, unlike us, were victims of religious, social and political persecution, ensuring their suffering is not trivialized for modern identity-building.
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Rejection of Presentism: Druwayu eschews applying modern ideologies (e.g., Feminists or Satanists) to historical figures, as critiqued in prior discussions. It recognizes that accused warlocks and witches were not self-identified practitioners but victims of false charges, avoiding the distortion seen in claims that exploit their trauma for "so-called empowerment" narratives.
3. Rejection of Ideological Agendas
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Avoidance of Anti-Male Rhetoric: Unlike feminist cultist claims that frame witch trials as solely patriarchal oppression and marginalize male victims (e.g., John Proctor, Johann Georg Faust), Druwayu embraces both warlock and witch titles without anti-male or anti-female biases. By rejecting such nonsense we acknowledge the persecution of both genders occurred but not for the modern false imposed narratives invented to push a false history and false identity connection, recognizing men and women as equal victims and perpetuators of sociopolitical forces.
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Non-Reactive Stance: Druwayu’s adoption of these titles is not a reaction to Christianity, a goal to bolster trivial Satanic assumptions, or perpetuate Misandrist Feminist narratives, but a deliberate and distinctive reclamation based on historical and linguistic integrity, not paranoid perpetual more persecuted then thou complexes of the cowardly, hateful and mentally ill. It avoids the reactive, ideological distortions of modern occultism, which often rely on fictional tropes or anti-male rhetoric, as critiqued previously.
4. Commitment to Truth and Druwayu Principles
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Cross-Referenced Inquiry: Druwayu’s tradition, as previously articulated, prioritizes truth through cross-referencing sources and rejecting singular authorities. Its use of "Warlock" and "Witch" is informed by historical texts (e.g., Dryden’s quote, Scots dictionaries) and cultural evidence, not pop culture or ideological agendas. This contrasts with Christian claims that contradict Christian theology or Satanic claims that project 20th-century ideologies onto the past.
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Theological Neutrality: Druwayu does not blend these titles with Christian or Satanic frameworks, which are incompatible with it's pre-monotheistic roots and contexts. Instead, it aligns them with polytheistic and animistic traditions, respecting their original spiritual context without imposing modern religious contradictions and clear wishful thinking.
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Complete Honesty: Druwayu also is clear about the sources of the inspiration behind its framework which has historical origins such as the concepts behind the One and Three, Wights, World Tree symbolism and so forth, while also making clear as to what has been constructed specifically for and applicable to Druwayu and the scope and range of supporting content and evidence often overlooked by many others. In that, Druwayu has shown many times over to be its own thing as it were and does not resort to deriving things from occultism and fillings for holes in information, while also making clear known old practices simply have no relevant value, especially now or in the future.
The Druish tradition of Druwayu embraces "Warlock" and "Witch" by grounding them in their authentic linguistic and cultural origins, respecting the historical reality of accused victims, and rejecting exploitative or reactive ideologies. Unlike Christian, Satanic, or feminist cultist claims, Druwayu avoids distorting history, trivializing suffering, or promoting anti-male rhetoric. Its commitment to truth, as emphasized by Druwayu’s very namesake and cross-referenced approach, ensures these titles are reclaimed with more than reasonable accuracy, consistency, integrity, and honoring their pre-Christian associated roots without resorting to the usual "anti-Christian" jargon as a justification rejecting the concept such justification is relevant or necessary. Indeed, if one does real research, they would find that among the common people, Christian converts as those embracing what was called the New Ways, and those who retained their original cultural traditions often called Old Ways, as Ways was also used in the sense of the applied concept of the word Religion co-existed peacefully and dd not regard one another as "bitter enemies." That was again imposed by extremists within positions of political power and authority demanding the usual cultural poison of forced or legislated separatism. That is what informs Druwayu; that is real history.

False Claims about "Pagans and Witch Hunts"
I am going to just get right to it here. While I am clearly not such a thing as a Christian, it is our responsibility to speak truthfully of what is factual and what has simply been fabricated for any number of claimed, and often unjustifiable reasons.
Like many, I see the same regurgitated nonsense over and over again and have collected an assortment of them to respond to for the sake of simplicity, many things I also assumed at one point, or another, till I actually did more than study (which often terms into self-indoctrination) and did real investigative research (research meaning look again).
Many of you may encounter such things or have been raised with such assumptions, yet most of them are erroneous, false, or simply made up with no factual basis behind such claims. This is where I will get a bid nerdy at times with specific details. Some things will seem repetitious; however, they are simply showing how such things are interconnected and how they related to and challenge various fallacies.
Claim: The Nordic peoples of the pre-Christian period tended to believe that the god(s) that you worship is/was tied in many ways to where you were geographically.
Response: This is a blatant lie. It's simply adding "Nordic" and then distorting the fact it was taken from Pascal’s Wager, by Blaise Pascal (1623–1662) suggests that belief in God can be rationalized based on geographical and cultural contexts, as it posits that individuals engage in a life-defining gamble regarding the existence of God.
This argument implies a connection between belief and geographical location, as it emphasizes the potential benefits of believing in God, regardless of its existence.
Claim: Most of the 'Christian' Holidays essentially renamed Pagan traditions.
Response: This is false. This was a particular claim among Protestant critics of Catholicism and was later popularized in the 19th century. Paul Ernst Jablonski (18th century) is among the earliest named individuals to explicitly link a major Christian holiday (Christmas) to Pagan festivals in a scholarly context, laying groundwork for the broader claim.
However, Alexander Hislop (1853) is more closely associated with the comprehensive assertion that "most" Christian holidays (Christmas, Easter, etc.) are renamed Pagan traditions. So called Neo Pagans as a movement rather than a specific religious identity simply hijacked this to justify their various other actions and claims as a criticism of Christianity and so-called Abrahamic Monotheism in a more generalized sense after the 1950s.
The claim that "most Christian holidays are essentially renamed Pagan traditions" is often criticized for oversimplification and historical inaccuracies. Here are some fallacies and issues associated with this claim:
1. Conflation of Borrowings with Origins
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While some Christian holidays may incorporate elements from pre-Christian traditions, this does not mean they are direct acts of renaming or appropriations.
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For example, Christmas and Easter have distinct theological origins tied to the birth and resurrection of Jesus Christ, even if certain customs (like Christmas trees or Easter eggs) have older, non-Christian roots.
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There is no evidence of the claim that made by a single source (Bede, Anglo Saxon/English Monk) that Easter was actually a holiday to some female deity named Ostara among the Saxons or anyone else, especially from the fact that ostara is a plural derived from such as Danish sostara, singular sostar, and its related terms which is where the words as sister and sisters come from. There are many such claims in his works that have no prior source support or records in literature or archeology. All the rest that has been spun around this fiction largely occurred in the 19th through 20th centuries CE.
2. Overgeneralization
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The term "Pagan" encompasses a wide variety of pre-Christian religions and practices, making it overly broad. Claiming that all Christian holidays are derived from "Pagan" traditions ignores the diversity and complexity of both Pagan and Christian practices.
3. Chronological Fallacy
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Some claims about Christian holidays being derived from Pagan ones are based on weak or speculative historical evidence. For instance, the association of Christmas with the Roman festival of Saturnalia is debated, as the two celebrations differ significantly in purpose and timing.
4. Intentionality Fallacy
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The idea that Christians "stole" Pagan traditions assumes intent to appropriate, which is not always supported by historical evidence. In many cases, the adoption of certain customs was more about cultural adaptation and integration rather than deliberate replacement.
5. Cultural Context
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Many Christian holidays were established independently of Pagan traditions, with their own theological and liturgical significance. For example, the date of Christmas (December 25) was chosen based on theological symbolism, such as its proximity to the winter solstice, which was seen as a metaphor for the "light of Christ" entering the world.
These critiques highlight the need for a nuanced understanding of the historical and cultural development of religious holidays.
Claim: Pagan just means Country Dweller or Non-Christian and represents the pastoral pre-Christian religions and cultures later to be displaced by Christianity.
Response: This is misleading and false simultaneously.
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The earliest scholarly attempt to link paganus to "country dweller" has been heavily obscured, such as when various sources like the Edict of Thessalonica in 380 CE, which established Christianity as the state religion is mentioned, does not actually the term "pagan/paganus" was not explicitly used.
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Instead, a combined set of terms as Pagan Heathens developed later from various Catholic and Christian sources in condemnation of anything "not Christian," further demonstrating the claims are largely false and used out of habit than fact from various academic circles.
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The word paganus was first used in classical Latin to mean "villager" as a servant of the Roman empire, derived from pagus, from the root pag- bound/fastened/fixed/established, and the source of the word page, having been written in Medieval Latin as pagius (servant).
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Page (as in a servant or attendant) was carried over from Old French page, which referred to a young servant or attendant, evolved through Late Old to early Middle French pagene (bound one) and later Latin pagina which some Elglish sources chose to rewrite as paganus and pagani.
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The earliest explicit discussions of this meaning in English likely appear in 17th-century lexicography or works like those of John Toland, but no definitive "first" source is documented. Modern references, such as the Oxford English Dictionary and scholars like Peter Brown, codify this understanding without attributing an originator and tend to overlook key and obvious points as previously made and confuse figurative usage with literal meaning.
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Modern "Neo Pagans" began to gain prominence in the mid-20th century, particularly in the 1940s and 1950s, with the rise of modern Pagan movements like Wica (later misspelled as Wicca).
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Gerald Gardner, often considered the founder of Wica (through it was actually low ranking English Rosicrucian members that created a "private cult" he was "initiated into and then managed to take over," used the term to describe contemporary spiritual practices inspired by alleged pre-Christian traditions on one hand, but largely derived his foundations from period English occultists and included Thelema as a base, and things like Kabballah and French "spell books" with concepts of nudism mixed in with superficial and external observations of practices like Voodoo, and slapped a superficial, primarily Greek, and English folklore spin for the superficial trappings.
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By the 1960s and 1970s, the term "Neo-Pagan" became more widely recognized, especially within the American counterculture movement.
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Groups like the Church of All Worlds (founded in 1967) and other organizations began to embrace the term to distinguish their modern interpretations of Paganism from historical practices while others yet still chose heathen to get away from the hippy like and overly feminized fluffy bunny jargon.
Claim: Behind every "god" is "the Goddess."
Responses: The claim that "Behind every 'god' is 'the Goddess'" can be critiqued as a fallacy for several reasons, depending on the context in which it is presented. Here are some potential issues with this assertion pulling from anti-male extremist feminist-based occultism. Let's address the fallacies and then these extremist feminist influences without going too deep into that insane and twisted rabbit hole.
1. Reductionist Fallacy
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This claim oversimplifies the diversity of religious and mythological systems by imposing a universal framework where all male deities are subordinate to or derived from a female deity. It disregards the unique characteristics and roles of gods and goddesses in various traditions.
2. Cultural Appropriation
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By asserting a universal "Goddess" behind all gods, this perspective risks erasing the cultural and historical contexts of individual deities. It imposes a monolithic interpretation that may not align with the beliefs of the cultures from which these deities originate.
3. False Universality
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The idea assumes that all religious systems share a common structure or hierarchy involving a supreme Goddess, which is not supported by evidence. Many traditions, such as monotheistic religions, explicitly reject the concept of a Goddess altogether.
4. Logical Inconsistency
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If every god is derived from a Goddess, it raises questions about the origins of the Goddess herself. This can lead to circular reasoning or an infinite regress, where the claim fails to provide a coherent explanation for the ultimate source of divinity.
5. Empirical Challenge
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There is no empirical evidence to support the claim that all gods are derived from a single Goddess. This makes it a speculative assertion rather than a demonstrable fact.
6. Theological Exclusivity
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This claim may conflict with the beliefs of certain religious traditions that emphasize the independence or supremacy of male deities, or that do not include a Goddess figure at all.
These critiques highlight the complexities and potential pitfalls of making broad, universal claims about the nature of divinity without proper citations, the same as claiming all deities are one deity.
Key Influences:
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Spiritualism: In the 19th century, Spiritualism—a belief in communicating with spirits—provided women with a platform for public speaking and leadership. Figures like Victoria Woodhull, a suffragette and Spiritualist, used her beliefs to advocate for women's rights, including suffrage and "free love." She was famously branded "Mrs. Satan" in a political cartoon for her radical views.
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Theosophy: Founded by Helena Blavatsky in the late 19th century, Theosophy combined Eastern and Western spiritual traditions. It emphasized universal brotherhood and equality, inspiring feminist ideals of sisterhood exclusivity and empowerment over a fictional globalist patriarchy.
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Paganism and Witches Crafts: Modern feminist movements often embrace "Pagan" and so-called "witchcraft" traditions, reclaiming symbols of female power, autonomy and superiority, including imposing false, invented history. The phrase “We are the granddaughters of the witches you couldn’t burn” highlights this connection and assumes only women were victims perpetuating the "more persecuted than thou perpetual victim complex."
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Occult Feminism: Some feminist thinkers in the late 19th and early 20th centuries explored occult practices to challenge "patriarchal structures" to the extreme slant of being anti-male. Esoteric rituals and symbols were used to "reclaim female agency and autonomy" as if it didn't already exist, and challenge societal norms (often pushing conversion of girls and women into lesbians in renunciation of men all together and the whole men bad/women good rhetoric).
Claim: All gods and goddesses are expressions of One Source as aspects of itself through the various departments of reality and nature as a whole.
Responses: That only applies if you assume a twofold mix of monotheism with loose concepts of monism and pantheism. To address Pantheism (all one Deity) that all things are one deity as its manifest body and essence, collapses the distinction between human and non-human and essence with a deity indistinctly. Monism (Oneness) breaks down into various kinds of monism:
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Priority monism states that all existing things go back to a source that is distinct from them.
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In this view only the One is ontologically fundamental or prior to everything else.
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Existence monism posits that, strictly speaking, there exists only a single thing, the universe, which can only be artificially and arbitrarily divided into many things.
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Substance monism asserts that a variety of existing things can be explained in terms of a single reality or substance.
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Substance monism posits that only one kind of substance exists, although many things may be made up of this substance, e.g., matter or mind.
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Bipolar (Dual Aspect) monism is the view that the mental and the physical are two aspects of, or perspectives on, the same substance.
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Neutral monism believes the fundamental nature of reality to be neither mental nor physical; in other words, it is "neutral".
Fallacies of these concepts:
1. Priority Monism
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Fallacy of Overgeneralization: Assuming that all existing things must necessarily depend on a single source oversimplifies the complexity of relationships and interactions in the universe.
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Problem of Dependence: Critics argue that the notion of "dependence" is vague and may not adequately explain how distinct entities relate to the "One."
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Empirical Challenge: There is little empirical evidence to support the claim that all things trace back to a single, distinct source.
2. Existence Monism
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Arbitrariness Fallacy: The claim that divisions within the universe are "artificial" or "arbitrary" can be seen as subjective and dismissive of observable distinctions.
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Reductionism Critique: Critics argue that reducing all existence to a single entity (the universe) ignores the diversity and individuality of phenomena.
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Practical Irrelevance: This view may lack practical applicability, as it does not account for the functional separations we observe in reality.
3. Substance Monism
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Circular Reasoning: The assertion that all things can be explained by a single substance may rely on circular logic, assuming what it seeks to prove.
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Lack of Specificity: Critics point out that defining "substance" broadly (e.g., matter or mind) makes the concept too vague to be meaningful.
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Incompatibility with Dualism: This view struggles to address phenomena that seem to require dualistic explanations, such as the interaction between mind and body.
4. Bipolar (Dual Aspect) Monism
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Category Error: Treating the mental and physical as "aspects" of the same substance may conflate fundamentally different categories of existence.
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Explanatory Gap: Critics argue that this view does not adequately explain how mental and physical aspects interact or coexist within the same substance.
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Empirical Limitations: There is limited empirical evidence to support the claim that mental and physical phenomena are merely perspectives on the same underlying reality.
5. Neutral Monism
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Ambiguity Fallacy: The idea that reality is "neutral" (neither mental nor physical) is often criticized for being too abstract and lacking clear definition.
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Problem of Emergence: Critics question how mental and physical phenomena emerge from a neutral foundation without invoking dualistic explanations.
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Verification Challenge: This view is difficult to test or verify empirically, making it more of a philosophical hypothesis than a scientifically grounded theory.
Cultural Appropriation
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By asserting that all deities are manifestations of one deity, this view risks erasing the cultural and historical contexts of polytheistic traditions. It can be seen as imposing a monotheistic framework onto polytheistic beliefs, which may not align with their original intent.
False Equivalence
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The idea assumes that all deities share the same essence or purpose, which may not be true. For example, the gods of Norse mythology, Hinduism, and Greek mythology have distinct characteristics and roles that do not necessarily align with a singular divine entity.
Logical Inconsistency
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If all deities are one, it raises questions about the contradictions in their attributes and actions. For instance, how can a deity associate with war and destruction be the same as one associated with peace and creation?
Theological Exclusivity
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This concept may conflict with the beliefs of certain religious traditions that explicitly reject the idea of a singular deity or divine unity. For example, many polytheistic religions view their gods as independent and distinct beings.
Empirical Challenge
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There is no empirical evidence to support the claim that all deities are manifestations of one deity. This makes it a matter of faith or philosophical speculation rather than a demonstrable fact.
Wicans and Culture Appropriation
Wicans vocally condemn cultural appropriation, decrying the misuse of cultural elements by outsiders, yet they incorporate aspects of various cultural traditions into their rituals, often without deep understanding, historical context, or permission from the originating cultures.
This hypocrisy manifests as a glaring double standard:
Wicans (and those that call themselves Pagans and Heathens) criticize others for borrowing cultural practices while freely blending these diverse traditions into their eclectic spiritual framework, frequently ignoring the cultural significance or sacredness of the elements they adopt.
This contradiction reveals a lack of self-awareness or consistency and reflects a broader issue in modern spirituality, where the allure of eclectic, "universal" practices clash with demands for cultural sensitivity, exposing a tension between personal spiritual exploration and respect for cultural boundaries.
Examples of Appropriated Cultural Elements in Wican Practices:
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Native American Spirituality:
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Smudging ceremonies, using sage or other herbs, often performed without tribal context or training.
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Dreamcatchers, adopted as spiritual tools despite their specific Ojibwe origins and significance.
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African Traditions:
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Ritual drumming, mimicking African ceremonial rhythms without understanding their cultural or spiritual roles.
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Invocation of African deities or spirits, such as those from Yoruba traditions, often divorced from their original religious frameworks.
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Eastern Philosophies:
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Chakra systems, integrated into Wican energy work without grounding in Hindu or Buddhist cosmology.
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Meditation practices, borrowed from traditions like Zen or Tibetan Buddhism, often stripped of their doctrinal roots.
Other Examples of Hypocrisy
Many Wicans and Heathens, as if they have some sort of exclusive right to such titles and words, which they do not, push a narrative of reclamation, seeking to purge the title "Witch" of its negative historical associations—such as accusations of evil, devil-worship, or malice—by framing it as a symbol of empowerment, spiritual wisdom, and connection to nature.
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They emphasize the Witch as a positive, often feminine archetype, celebrating its revival in modern paganism.
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However, these same groups frequently disregard similar efforts to reclaim or redefine the title "Warlock," which historically carries negative connotations of oath-breaking, sorcery, or betrayal, particularly in European folklore.
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This selective reclamation betrays an underlying extremist toxic feminist misandry, as the focus on uplifting "Witch" (often tied to female practitioners) dismisses or vilifies "Warlock" (commonly associated with male practitioners), perpetuating a gendered double standard that marginalizes men in these spiritual communities.
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This hypocrisy reinforces a narrative that prioritizes feminist empowerment while ignoring or demonizing masculine spiritual identities, revealing a bias that undermines the inclusive ethos many Wicans and Heathens claim to uphold.
Examples of Selective Reclamation and Misandrist Bias:
Reclamation of "Witch":
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Wicans and Heathens promote "Witch" as a term of feminine strength, citing historical witch hunts as patriarchal oppression, and use it in rituals, covens, and public advocacy to signify healing and empowerment.
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Workshops, books, and festivals (e.g., "Witchcamp" or "Reclaiming Tradition" events) center on redefining "Witch" as a feminist symbol, often excluding or downplaying male practitioners’ experiences.
Neglect of "Warlock":
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"Warlock" is rarely reclaimed or redefined in Wican or Heathen circles, often left to retain its negative folklore associations (e.g., a traitor or malevolent sorcerer) without efforts to explore its potential as a positive masculine archetype.
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Male practitioners are frequently encouraged to adopt "Witch" or neutral terms like "pagan" instead of "Warlock," implicitly dismissing a male-specific spiritual identity as less legitimate or inherently suspect.
Toxic Feminist Misandry:
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Some Wican and Heathen groups prioritize goddess-centric worship or female-led covens, sidelining male deities or male practitioners, which reinforces a narrative that equates spiritual purity with femininity.
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Public rhetoric in these communities often frames historical persecution as exclusively female (e.g., "burning times"), erasing male victims of witch hunts and minimizing men’s contributions to modern paganism, fostering an environment where "Warlock" is stigmatized as a term tied to patriarchal or "dark" energies.
This selective focus on "Witch" while neglecting "Warlock" highlights a broader issue in Wican and Heathen communities: an extremist feminist agenda that elevates female spiritual identities at the expense of male ones, betraying the inclusive and egalitarian principles these groups often claim to champion.
The Warlock Controversy Pushed by Intentional Misinformation
The claim that "Warlock" denotes a Witch who betrays their coven is a modern fabrication, unsupported by historical evidence before the 1951 Wiccan revival. Despite this, many Wicans and Heathens perpetuate this narrative, berating those who identify as Warlocks.
Historical Context:
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The Oxford English Dictionary (OED) traces "Warlock" to Old English wærloga ("oath-breaker"), however, this claim was added to the OED after the 1950s drawing primarily from the claims of Doreen Valiente, a disgruntled former member of the Gardner cult/coven, who made the association with Scottland but didn't cite her source. It also fails to note sources such as John Dryden (1600s), or either the Heliand (893) or Andreas, c. 9th–10th century, much less its pronunciation being wɛːr-lóʊn.
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An alternative etymology, supported by Nordic scholars like Stephen A. Mitchell (2011), links "Warlock" to varðlokkur (spirit-summoning song) from the Saga of Erik the Red (c. 950–1003 CE), aligning with Witches’ historical ties to necromancy.
Modern Misinformation:
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Post-1970s Wiccan books falsely claim "Warlock" means a coven traitor, including:
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13 Lessons for Pleasing the Divine by Lady Raya: Calls Warlock an "oath-breaker" or traitor to Witches.
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The Coven Leader’s Handbook by Sean Belachta: Labels Warlock a traitor to the Old Religion.
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How to Become a Witch by Amber K.: Defines Warlock as a coven betrayer.
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Wicca for Life by Raymond Buckland: Claims Warlock denoted one who turned in Witches during the "burning times."
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These claims lack primary sources and contradict foundational texts like the Gardnerian Book of Shadows, which uses "Warlock" neutrally for a man performing binding rituals.
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Hypocrisy in Terminology:
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Wicans and Heathens reclaim "Witch" and "pagan" despite their pejorative origins (e.g., "pagan" as Roman "white trash," per Isaac Bonewits), yet refuse to extend this to "Warlock," revealing bias.
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Starhawk’s The Spiral Dance urges women to reclaim "Witch" for empowerment and men to find the "divine feminine," ignoring a masculine equivalent being "Warlock," exposing a feminist agenda that dismisses male spiritual identity.
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The word "tradition," etymologically tied to "treason" and "betrayal," is used without issue by these communities, yet "Warlock" is vilified for similar associations, highlighting inconsistent standards.
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Indeed, if one were to do proper research, the same misrepresentations include defining Witch as referring to a twisted and immoral woman and at times a diseased prostitute.
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The refusal to reclaim "Warlock" while championing "Witch" reflects a toxic feminist misandry in Wican and Heathen communities, prioritizing female empowerment over male inclusion.
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The false narrative that "Warlock" means a coven betrayer, unsupported by historical evidence, further exposes this bias. By perpetuating these double standards, these groups undermine their claims of inclusivity, revealing a deeper agenda that marginalizes male practitioners and stifles honest discourse about their spiritual heritage which is no heritage at all other than superficial trappings of the same occultist derived fillers rather than cultural retrieval.
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For this very reason and doing away with all of the nonsense all around I reclaimed both into Druwayu by digging deeper into the meaning of both titles, their proper pronunciations at the time of the old spellings and learning the proper meaning and context such were being applied and how they were used while breaking down the words themselves to their smallest known parts.
1. Christian Holidays Are Merely Renamed Pagan Festivals
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Claim: Many Neo-Pagans and Heathens assert that Christian holidays like Christmas, Easter, and All Souls’ Day are direct appropriations of ancient Pagan festivals, renamed to convert Pagans to Christianity. For example, Christmas is often linked to Yule or Saturnalia, and Easter to spring equinox celebrations like Ostara.
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Why It’s False: While some Christian holidays align with pre-Christian festivals in timing or symbolism, the relationship is more complex than a simple renaming. Historical evidence suggests Christianity adapted certain cultural practices to ease conversions, but the theological core of holidays like Christmas (celebrating Jesus’ birth) and Easter (commemorating the resurrection) is distinctly Christian, not derived from Pagan theology. For instance:
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Christmas: The date of December 25 was likely chosen to align with Roman festivals like Dies Natalis Solis Invicti, but no direct evidence links it to Germanic Yule practices. The Catholic Encyclopedia (1907) notes this was a strategic choice, not a renaming of a Pagan holiday.
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Easter: Its timing near the spring equinox and use of symbols like eggs may echo pre-Christian fertility rites, but the Paschal celebration is rooted in Jewish Passover, not Pagan festivals like Ostara, which lacks clear historical attestation in Germanic traditions.
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Reality: Some seasonal alignments exist but claiming “most” Christian holidays are renamed Pagan traditions oversimplifies a process of cultural synthesis. Neo-Pagans often exaggerate these connections to reclaim cultural heritage they never actually had while also ignoring the distinct Christian doctrinal foundations in question.
2. Neo-Pagan Practices Are Direct Continuations of Ancient Traditions
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Claim: Some Neo-Pagans and Heathens, particularly in Wicca or Goddess Worship, claim their practices are unbroken traditions from ancient pre-Christian religions, such as a universal “Great Goddess” cult or ancient Druidic rites.
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Why It’s False: Most Neo-Pagan practices are modern reconstructions or inventions, not direct continuations. Historical evidence shows:
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Wica (later falsely renamed as Wicca and pronounced wrong): Founded by Gerald Gardner in the 1940s, Wicca draws on 19th- and 20th-century occultism, Romanticism, and folklore, with little evidence of a continuous pre-Christian British nature religion. Scholars like Charlotte Allen (The Atlantic, 2001) have debunked claims of an ancient “Great Goddess” religion, showing it was largely constructed by figures like Gardner and Aleister Crowley.
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Heathenry: While Heathens use historical sources like the Edda or Beowulf, their practices (e.g., Asatru, Odinism) are 20th-century reconstructions based on fragmented texts and archaeology. Pre-Christian Germanic religions lacked unified dogma, and modern Heathenry often incorporates contemporary values like environmentalism or gender inclusivity, not necessarily reflective of ancient practices.
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Druidism: Modern Druidry, revived in the 18th century, has little in common with ancient Celtic Druids, who were suppressed by the Roman Empire by the 2nd century CE. Claims like Druids building Stonehenge are false, as Stonehenge predates Celtic culture by millennia.
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Reality: Neo-Paganism and Heathenry are inspired by historical traditions but are modern creations, superficially blending ancient sources with occultism which in turn shaped most of the so-called contemporary alternative spirituality. Claims of unbroken lineage often stem from Romanticism or a desire to legitimize these faiths as “indigenous.”
3. Paganism Was a Unified, Nature-Centered Religion
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Claim: Neo-Pagans often describe ancient Paganism as a cohesive, earth-centered, and egalitarian religion, contrasting it with Christianity’s perceived dogmatism or patriarchy.
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Why It’s False: Ancient Pagan religions were diverse, regionally specific, and not inherently unified or nature-focused:
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Diversity: Pre-Christian religions (e.g., Norse, Celtic, Greek, Egyptian) varied widely in cosmology, deities, and practices. For example, Norse religion emphasized warrior values according to predominately Christian and Catholic authors, and ancestral veneration, while Egyptian religion focused on divine kingship and the afterlife, not necessarily nature worship.
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Not Always Egalitarian: Many ancient Pagan societies were hierarchical or patriarchal. For instance, Norse and Celtic women had some roles (e.g., as seers), but male-dominated priesthoods and warrior elites were common. Claims of universal matriarchy lack evidence and is largely fictional.
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Nature Worship: While some traditions (e.g., Celtic) venerated natural features, others (e.g., Roman state cults) prioritized civic or imperial duties. Modern Neo-Pagan emphasis on environmentalism reflects 19th-century nature Romanticism more than ancient practices.
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Reality: Neo-Pagans project modern values like environmentalism or gender equality onto ancient traditions, creating a romanticized view of Paganism as a monolithic, nature-centric faith. Ancient religions were complex and context-specific, not a single system.
4. Heathenry Is Inherently Tied to Ethnic or Racial Identity
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Claim: Some Heathens, particularly in “folkish” or “völkisch” groups, claim Heathenry is an ethnic religion exclusive to those of Northern European descent, tied to biological or ancestral heritage.
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Why It’s False: This claim is a modern distortion, not supported by historical evidence:
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Historical Inclusivity: Pre-Christian Germanic religions were clan- or community-based, not racially exclusive. Vikings, for example, adopted foreign practices and intermingled with other cultures, as evidenced by archaeological finds like Viking clothing potentially bearing Arabic script.
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Modern Universalism: Many Heathen groups, like The Troth or Asatru UK, reject racial exclusivity, emphasizing that Heathenry is open to all who honor its gods and values.
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The Heathens Against Hate movement actively counters racist interpretations, noting that Norse mythology includes diverse deities and no racial purity doctrine.
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Racist Origins: The “folkish” view stems from 19th-century national Romanticism and 20th-century völkisch movements, not ancient practices.
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The Asatru Folk Assembly have been criticized for adopting white supremacist ideologies, which are incompatible with the inclusive nature of historical Germanic religion.
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Reality: Heathenry’s historical roots are cultural and spiritual, not racial. Claims of ethnic exclusivity are a modern invention, rejected by many Heathens and scholars as a misappropriation of the tradition. DNA from human remains tied to such cultures further demonstrate the whole racial purity bit is and was false.
5. Neo-Pagan Sacred Texts or Artifacts Are Ancient
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Claim: Some Neo-Pagans, particularly in Slavic or other reconstructionist movements, claim their sacred texts or artifacts (e.g., the “Slavic Aryan Vedas” or golden plates) are ancient, preserving pre-Christian wisdom.
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Why It’s False: Many such texts or artifacts are modern fabrications:
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Slavic Aryan Vedas: In Ynglism, a Slavic Neo-Pagan movement, texts like the “Slavic Aryan Vedas” or “Santees” are claimed to be ancient, written on gold plates. However, their founder, Alexander Hinevich, has provided no verifiable originals, and scholars dismiss them as contemporary creations, likely inspired by Hindu Vedas or occultism.
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Lack of Evidence: Pre-Christian Slavic and Germanic religions were largely oral, with few written records before Christianization. Surviving texts (e.g., Prose Edda) were recorded by Christians centuries later, and no archaeological evidence supports claims of hidden ancient texts.
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Modern Context: Similar claims, like those in Wicca about ancient grimoires, often trace to 19th- or 20th-century occultists, not historical Pagan traditions.
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Reality: Most Neo-Pagan “sacred texts” are modern, created to fill gaps in historical records. While inspired by folklore or archaeology, they lack ancient provenance and reflect contemporary spiritual needs.
Notes and Context
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Diversity of Neo-Paganism: Neo-Paganism and Heathenry are not monolithic; beliefs vary widely, from eclectic Wicca to reconstructionist Asatru. Not all practitioners make these claims, and many acknowledge their practices as modern interpretations.
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Motivations: False claims often arise from a desire to legitimize Neo-Paganism as an “indigenous” or ancient tradition, countering Christian dominance or cultural marginalization. This can lead to romanticized or invented histories.
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Scholarly Critiques: Sources like RationalWiki note that some Neo-Pagan beliefs are based on “false Christian propaganda” about ancient practices, while others, like Wallis’s work on neo-shamanism, highlight the creative but a non-historical nature of these movements.
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Cultural Sensitivity: Claims of ancient continuity or racial exclusivity can lead to cultural appropriation (e.g., neo-shamanism borrowing Native American practices) or harm, as seen in far-right "misappropriations" of Heathen symbols.
Common false claims by Neo-Pagans and Heathens include exaggerating the Pagan origins of Christian holidays, asserting unbroken ancient lineages, romanticizing Paganism as a unified nature religion, tying Heathenry to racial identity, and fabricating ancient texts.
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These claims often stem from a desire to reclaim spiritual heritage or counter Christian narratives but are unsupported by historical evidence.
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False claims of Neo-Paganism and Heathenry are diverse, modern movements that draw inspiration from alleged pre-Christian traditions while incorporating modern/contemporary values like environmentalism or inclusivity as a superficial trapping and cover for the demonstrable nonsense behind most of it.
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Many claim to know this and yet continue to repeat it which amounts to being willfully deceitful and with clear intention to continue to mislead present and future generations and trying to turn a fallacy into a fact which is when such things become all the more intolerable.
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The "Burning Times" is a term used by some Neo-Pagans and modern Witches (particularly in Wicca and related movements) to describe the early modern European witch hunts (roughly 1450–1750) as a deliberate, large-scale persecution of Pagans, especially women, who allegedly practiced an ancient, pre-Christian religion.
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This narrative, along with the claim that women were the primary targets, and that modern Witches are direct spiritual descendants of these victims, is riddled with historical inaccuracies and fallacies.
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Below, I address the fallacy of the "Burning Times," the misconception that women were the sole or main targets, and the false claims of modern connections to witch hunt victims, emphasizing that these were largely heresy hunts unrelated to historical or modern Witchcraft.
1. The Fallacy of the "Burning Times"
The "Burning Times" narrative posits that millions of Pagans, particularly women, were executed as Witches during the early modern period, representing a genocidal effort by the Christian Church to eradicate a surviving pre-Christian religion.
Inflated Death Count and Mischaracterization as Pagan Persecution:
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This idea is historically inaccurate for several reasons, such as the fact, in Salem MA, within the United States of America all but one victim was recorded as hanged and one specifically "pressed" to death (crushed by the weight of heavy stones):
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Claim: Some Neo-Pagans, drawing from early feminist and Wiccan sources like Margaret Murray’s The Witch-Cult in Western Europe (1921) or Gerald Gardner’s Wiccan writings, claim that 9 million or more Witches were killed. Modern iterations may cite figures in the hundreds of thousands.
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Reality: Scholarly estimates, based on trial records and demographic studies, suggest 40,000–60,000 executions across Europe over three centuries, with a significant portion occurring in German states.
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Fact: Ronald Hutton (The Triumph of the Moon, 1999) and other historians debunk the 9-million figure as an exaggeration rooted in 19th-century polemics and early feminist rhetoric, not evidence. Even accounting for undocumented cases, the toll is far lower than claimed which would far exceed the population of t majority of Europe in the times and locations in question.
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Claim: The witch hunts targeted practitioners of a surviving Pagan religion, often framed as a matriarchal, nature-based faith akin to modern Wicca.
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Reality: Witch hunts were primarily driven by Christian concerns about heresy and diabolism, not Paganism. The Malleus Maleficarum (1486), a key text for the Witch Hunters (Properly Witch Finders), described Witches as heretics who made pacts with the Devil, not as Pagans preserving ancient traditions.
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Fact: Most accused Witches were Christians, often targeted for local disputes, social deviance, or perceived moral failings, not for practicing a pre-Christian religion. Historical evidence, such as trial records from Salem (1692) or the Basque witch hunts (1609–1611), shows no clear link to "Pagan" practices; accusations focused on diabolical conspiracies or maleficium (literality "Malefices" used figuratively as acts of harmful magic).
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Claim: Margaret Murray’s “witch-cult hypothesis” argued that Witches were members of an organized, underground Pagan religion that survived Christianization, a view adopted by early Wiccans.
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Reality: Murray’s theory has been discredited by historians like Norman Cohn and Keith Thomas. Trial confessions describing covens or rituals were often extracted under torture or shaped by inquisitors’ expectations, not reflective of a real Pagan organization.
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Fact: Pre-Christian religions in Europe were largely extinguished by the Middle Ages, and no archaeological or textual evidence supports a continuous Pagan witch-cult. Modern Wica (misnamed on purpose later to the feminine word Wicca/Witch), founded by Gerald Gardner in the 1940s, is a 20th-century creation, blending occultism, folklore, and Romanticism, not a direct continuation of any ancient tradition.
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Claim: The Church orchestrated the witch hunts as a deliberate campaign to destroy Paganism or women’s spiritual power.
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Reality: Witch hunts were not a centralized Church policy, but a decentralized phenomenon driven by local courts, secular authorities, and community tensions.
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Facts: The Catholic Church and Protestant authorities sometimes urged restraint, as seen in the Catholic Inquisition’s skepticism of the "Witch" accusations in Spain. Social, economic, and religious anxieties—such as the Reformation, wars, and plagues—fueled the hunts, not a unified anti-Pagan agenda. The narrative of a patriarchal genocide ignores the complex socio-political factors at play.
2. False Claim: Women Were the Main or Only Targets
The idea that witch hunts primarily targeted women, often framed as a patriarchal attack on female autonomy or spirituality, is a partial truth exaggerated by modern narratives, particularly in feminist and Neo-Pagan circles.
Exaggerated Gender Focus:
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Claim: Neo-Pagans and some feminists (e.g., Andrea Dworkin, Mary Daly) assert that the vast majority of witch hunt victims were women, targeted for their gender or supposed Pagan practices.
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Reality: While women were disproportionately accused—estimates suggest 75–80% of victims in Europe were female—men were also significant targets.
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Facts: In regions like Iceland, Normandy, and parts of Scandinavia, men constituted the majority of victims. For example, in Iceland, 90% of those executed for witchcraft were men, often accused of sorcery tied to runes or economic disputes. Historian Lara Apps (Male Witches "properly called Warlocks" in Early Modern Europe, 2003) notes that gender roles influenced accusations but were not the sole factor; men were often accused as leaders of supposed diabolical conspiracies.
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Claim: Women were targeted for their spiritual or healing roles, seen as threats to patriarchal Christianity.
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Reality: Accusations often stemmed from social dynamics, not gender alone. Women were vulnerable due to economic marginality (e.g., widows, spinsters), social conflicts (e.g., disputes with neighbors), or stereotypes about female susceptibility to the Devil. However, men were accused for similar reasons, including heresy, maleficium, or political rivalries.
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Facts: Midwives and healers (including male ones) were not disproportionately targeted, contrary to popular belief; most victims were ordinary individuals caught in local feuds or moral panics. Trial records, such as those from Würzburg (1626–1631), show accusations crossing gender lines, driven by community dynamics rather than a gendered agenda.
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Claim: The witch hunts were a systematic patriarchal attack on women’s power.
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Reality: Misogyny played a role, as texts like the Malleus Maleficarum emphasized women supposed moral weakness. However, witch hunts were fueled by broader fears of heresy, social disorder, and the Devil, not just gender. Additionally, most accusations came from women against other women rather than men.
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Facts: The focus on women in modern narratives often reflects 20th-century feminist reinterpretations and misrepresentations, not the full historical context. Both men and women were victims of a society grappling with religious and social upheaval, as were, unfortunately, children and animals, especially such as household pets.
3. False Claims of Modern Connections to Witch Hunt Victims
Neo-Pagans and modern Witches often claim a spiritual or cultural connection to witch hunt victims, portraying themselves as descendants of an oppressed Pagan tradition. This is historically inaccurate and misrepresents the nature of the hunts.
False Direct Lineage Claims and false Perpetual Victimhood
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Claim: Modern Witches, particularly so called "Wickans," assert they are spiritual heirs of witch hunt victims, who were secretly practicing a surviving Pagan religion.
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Reality: Witch hunt victims were not practitioners of a unified Pagan religion, nor do modern Neo-Pagan movements have a direct historical link to them. Most victims were Christians accused of diabolical heresy or maleficium, not Pagans. Wicca and other Neo-Pagan traditions emerged in the 20th century, drawing on occultism, Romanticism, and reconstructed folklore, not on a continuous tradition.
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Facts: Ronald Hutton and Philip Heselton have shown that Wica’s rituals and beliefs lack historical continuity with early modern practices. Claims of lineage are a modern myth, rooted in a desire to claim historical legitimacy and female martyrdom.
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Claim: The witch hunts targeted Witches as practitioners of an ancient, non-Christian spirituality.
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Reality: Witch hunts were primarily heresy hunts, focused on rooting out perceived threats to Christian orthodoxy committed by other Christian and Catholic vs Protest sects. The concept of “Witchcraft” in the early modern period was tied to Christian demonology—pacts with the Devil, sabbaths, and maleficium—not to Paganism or modern Witchcraft.
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Facts: Trial records from England, Scotland, and Germany show accusations centered on harm (e.g., cursing crops) or diabolical conspiracies, not on rituals resembling modern Wicca or Heathenry. Pre-Christian Paganism had largely vanished by the early modern period, and no evidence suggests victims practiced a religion akin to Neo-Paganism.
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Claim: Witch hunt victims were “Witches” in the modern Neo-Pagan sense, practicing magic or nature-based spirituality.
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Reality: The term “Witch” in the early modern period was a legal and theological construct, not a self-identified spiritual identity. Victims were labeled Witches by accusers, often under coercion or torture, and did not identify as such.
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Facts: Modern Witches, who embrace the term as a positive spiritual identity, project their beliefs onto historical victims, ignoring the Christian and demonological context of the accusations and trivializing actual male and female victims. For example, the Salem witch trials (1692) involved accusations of diabolical pacts, not Pagan rituals, and victims like Tituba were not practicing a pre-Christian faith.
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Claim: Neo-Pagans claim the witch hunts as a shared history of oppression, akin to a “Pagan holocaust.”
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Reality: This narrative appropriates the suffering of diverse victims—mostly Christian, of varied social backgrounds—for modern identity politics. It overlooks the actual causes of the hunts (religious fanaticism, social tensions) and trivializes the experiences of those executed, who were not part of a Pagan movement. Historians like Diane Purkiss (The Witch in History, 1996) argue that such claims romanticize history, creating a false sense of continuity and martyrdom.
Broader Context and Fallacies
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Romanticization and Feminist Narratives: The “Burning Times” myth was popularized by feminist writers like Mary Daly and Starhawk in the 1970s, who framed the witch hunts as a patriarchal attack on women’s spiritual power. While appealing to modern feminist and Neo-Pagan audiences, this narrative relies on discredited sources like Murray’s witch-cult hypothesis and ignores male victims and the heresy-driven nature of the hunts.
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Confirmation Bias: Neo-Pagans often cherry-pick evidence, such as seasonal festival alignments or folk practices, to support claims of Pagan continuity, ignoring contradictory trial records or the Christian context of accusations.
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False Equivalence: Equating modern Witchcraft (a voluntary, spiritual identity) with historical “Witchcraft” (a crime defined by Christian authorities) conflates unrelated phenomena, creating a misleading historical narrative.
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Lack of Primary Sources: Claims of a surviving Pagan witch-cult lack support from primary sources like trial records, which focus on Christian demonology, not Pagan rituals. Neo-Pagan reliance on secondary sources like Murray or Gardner reflects a constructed, not historical, tradition.
Evidence from Historical Records
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Trial Records: Documents from the Würzburg witch trials (1626–1631), Bamberg trials (1626–1630), and Salem (1692) show accusations centered on diabolical pacts, not Paganism. Victims were often accused of harming neighbors or livestock, not practicing a pre-Christian religion.
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Church Writings: Texts like the Malleus Maleficarum and Johannes Nider’s Formicarius (1438) frame Witchcraft as heresy and Devil-worship, not as a surviving Pagan faith.
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Archaeological Absence: No artifacts or sites confirm a widespread Pagan witch-cult in early modern Europe, unlike the clear evidence of Christian dominance in material culture.
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Scholarly Consensus: Historians like Brian Levack (The Witch-Hunt in Early Modern Europe, 2015) and Norman Cohn (Europe’s Inner Demons, 1975) emphasize the hunts’ roots in Christian theology, social anxieties, and legal systems, not anti-Pagan campaigns.
Modern Implications
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Neo-Pagan Identity: The “Burning Times” myth provides a powerful narrative for Neo-Pagans, fostering a sense of historical persecution and solidarity. However, it distorts history and can alienate practitioners from engaging with accurate reconstructions of pre-Christian traditions.
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Cultural Sensitivity: Claiming victimhood from the witch hunts risks trivializing the real suffering of those executed, who were not part of a modern spiritual movement. It also ignores the diversity of victims, including men and non-Witches.
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Heathenry and Reconstructionism: Heathens, who often focus on Germanic or Norse traditions, generally avoid the “Burning Times” narrative, as their historical context (Viking-era conversion) predates the witch hunts. However, some may still adopt the broader myth of Pagan persecution, which oversimplifies Christianization.
The “Burning Times” is a fallacious narrative that exaggerates the scale, intent, and nature of early modern witch hunts, falsely portraying them as a genocide of Pagans. The claim that women were the sole or main targets oversimplifies the gendered dynamics, ignoring male victims and the broader social context.
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Assertions of modern connections to witch hunt victims are baseless, as these were heresy hunts rooted in Christian demonology, not persecutions of a Pagan witch-cult.
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Victims were mostly Christians accused of diabolical crimes, not practitioners of a religion resembling modern Wicca or Neo-Paganism.
